Nahdlatul Ulama politics reinterpreted<\/p>\n
Muhaimin Syamsuddin
\nJakarta<\/p>\n
The politics of 30-million-strong Muslim organization
\nNahdlatul Ulama (NU), has been interpreted as the day-to-day
\npolitics of anyone who makes use of traditional Islamic symbols.
\nThis results in the belief that anyone who wants to take
\npolitical advantage of Nahdliyins (NU members), must build
\nassociations with NU leaders -- either the tandfidziyah (NU's
\nexecutive board) or the syuriah (NU's advisory council), or kyai
\n(clerics) or ulema.<\/p>\n
Up until and including the April 5 legislative election, such
\nan interpretation was based upon fact. It was then that the
\nNational Awakening Party (PKB) -- a party traditionally
\naffiliated with the NU -- came out as one of the top three with
\n11,989,564 voters (10.57 percent), after Golkar (21.58 percent)
\nand the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) (18.53
\npercent).<\/p>\n
However, the provisional tally of the July 5th presidential
\nelection has shaken up this belief. The victory of the Susilo
\nBambang Yudhoyono-Jusuf Kalla ticket -- which has less \"NU
\norientation\" -- over Megawati Soekarnoputri-Hasyim Muzadi and
\nWiranto-Solahudin Wahid -- who are able to use NU symbols -- in
\nEast Java, the NU's home base, and most of the provinces, is a
\nstrong signal that such a traditional interpretation of NU
\npolitics is no longer solid.<\/p>\n
Hasyim Muzadi, as the top leader of the NU National Board
\n(PBNU), and Solahuddin Wahid, as Abdurrahman Wahid's brother -- a
\ncentral figure in NU over the last two decades -- received less
\nvotes than expected from Nahdliyins in East Java.<\/p>\n
This phenomenon clearly reflects changes in electoral behavior
\namong Nahdliyins. First, it confirms that ideological or
\nreligious commitments are no longer the only factors that
\ninfluence the Nahdliyin vote.<\/p>\n
Second, the Susilo-Kalla ticket's win against Mega-Hasyim, as
\nwell as Wiranto-Wahid, in East Java indicates that religious
\nleaders among NU's community are losing influence.<\/p>\n
As a traditional Islamic community, Nahdliyins depend upon
\nreligious leaders or kyai -- not only in their religious life,
\nbut also in social and political fields. Each time, prior to the
\ngeneral election, NU leaders deliver a statement or fatwa that
\ntells Nahdlyins who to vote for.<\/p>\n
Such a statement is usually strategic and powerful, but not
\nthis time.<\/p>\n
Though most kyai and big pesantrens (Islamic boarding schools
\nrun by the NU) -- such as Pesantren Lirboyo Kediri, Genggong
\nProbolinggo and Sukorejo Situbondo -- are supporters of Hasyim
\nMuzadi, and the kyais delivered a statement to NU members and
\nsantri (pesantren students) to vote for Hasyim, the Mega-Hasyim
\nticket only garnered about 28 percent of the vote in East Java.<\/p>\n
Similarly, the Wiranto-Wahid ticket that is supported by
\nAbdurrahman Wahid and Abdullah Faqih -- the most influential kyai
\nof the PKB, and the leader of Pesantren Langitan Tuban -- only
\ngot roughly 25 percent of the vote in East Java.<\/p>\n
On the other hand, the Susilo-Kalla ticket won around 36
\npercent of the vote in that province. This clearly indicates that
\nthe role of NU leaders in politics is decreasing significantly --
\nbut, why now?<\/p>\n
The urbanization process has contributed a lot to the
\ndecreasing role of the kyai in the NU. As an increasing number of
\nNahdliyins have moved to live in cities, they are faced with new
\nand different social structures. In this case, kyai are no longer
\nable to guide their way of life, particularly socially and
\npolitically.<\/p>\n
The modernization of pesantren is also significant in this
\nrespect. Pesantren are central to the development of the NU.
\nSince pesantren students study a variety of Islamic issues, from
\ntheology to Islamic law or sharia, and students begin to come
\nforward to interpret Islamic knowledge, the kyai have to share
\ntheir right to interpret Islamic knowledge with these students.<\/p>\n
The appearance of pesantren-based NGOs and NU young
\nintellectuals with liberal, progressive and radical thinking are
\nalso signs of change. A long time ago, this phenomenon was rare.
\nBesides which, and ironically, a certain dogma in Islamic
\nknowledge apparently leaves it open to interpretation. Thus, the
\ntruth in the eyes of Nahdliyins is not always single.<\/p>\n
Nahdliyins learn that it is advisable not to take one side in
\na controversial conflict. So, when Hasyim Muzadi and Abdurrahman
\nWahid were involved in a controversial conflict prior to the
\npresidential election -- regarding who was eligible to run --
\nmost Nahdliyins were not willing to take a side.<\/p>\n
Therefore, Nahdliyins feel free to vote for other tickets,
\nbesides Mega-Hasyim and Wiranto-Wahid. That is why Susilo-Kalla
\ngarnered the largest number of votes in East Java.<\/p>\n
The NU is no longer a captive political market monopolized by
\nkyai who are able to make use of NU symbols. The NU is now a free
\npolitical market that can be penetrated by any politician.<\/p>\n
The writer is a journalist with Majalah Aula; Nahdlatul Ulama
\nMonthly Magazine and can be reached at
\nmuhaimin_asusastra@yahoo.com<\/p>",
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