Myanmar is ASEAN's test case<\/p>\n
By Rizal Sukma<\/p>\n
JAKARTA (JP): Before the Association of Southeast Asian
\nNations (ASEAN) decided to accept Myanmar as a member, there had
\nbeen concerns raised that the country's membership in the
\nAssociation would pose a number of challenges, if not problems,
\nfor ASEAN.<\/p>\n
There were differences in opinion, especially between ASEAN
\nand Western countries, on the question whether Myanmar was
\n"suitable" or not to become a member of ASEAN. The West
\n(especially, the U.S. and the European Union) views Myanmar as a
\npariah state which violates almost all fundamental norms and
\nrules held by international society.<\/p>\n
ASEAN, on the other hand, holds a different idea on this
\nissue. For ASEAN, a state's domestic political condition should
\nnot be a criteria for membership. Moreover, ASEAN holds the view
\nthat the domestic political condition in Myanmar can be improved
\nby involving the country in the dynamics of regional cooperation.<\/p>\n
As I have argued elsewhere, "the inclusion of Myanmar into
\nASEAN will also affect the dialogue between ASEAN and the West,
\nespecially in terms of the latter's objection to deal with the
\nSLORC regime..." (The Jakarta Post May 31, 1997).<\/p>\n
Indeed, signs toward that direction are already emerging. The
\nfirst shot was fired by British Foreign Minister Robin Cook when
\nhe commented in Singapore on the possibility of Myanmar attending
\nthe second Asia-Europe Meeting (ASEM) scheduled to convene in
\nLondon in April 1998. He maintained that a recent decision by
\nEurope to deny visas to senior Myanmar officials will make it
\nimpossible to include the country at the ASEM process (Jakarta
\nPost, Sept. 2, 1998).<\/p>\n
Minister Cook's remarks have already provoked strong reactions
\nfrom Malaysia's Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad. He retorted that
\nASEAN may boycott the Second ASEM if the EU barred Myanmar from
\nattending it.<\/p>\n
Mahathir displayed a degree of confidence when he said that
\n"if there is discrimination against Myanmar, it is a
\ndiscrimination against ASEAN. You may find other countries in
\nASEAN also deciding not to attend" (Jakarta Post, Sept. 3, 1997).
\nIn other words, Mahathir clearly sees the question of Myanmar's
\nmembership in ASEM in terms of extending ASEAN solidarity to that
\ncountry.<\/p>\n
In this regard, the question of Myanmar may bring up at least
\ntwo problems for ASEAN to deal with. Firstly, it could highlight
\nthe existing differences among ASEAN members themselves regarding
\nthe issue. Signs toward that direction have already been
\ndiscernible. For example, Philippine Foreign Affairs Under-
\nSecretary Rodolfo Severino, who will take over as ASEAN
\nsecretary-general in January 1998, maintained that ASEAN has yet
\nto adopt a formal position on the issue.<\/p>\n
Reactions from other ASEAN countries has also been relatively
\ncautious. A Singapore foreign ministry spokesman, for example, is
\nreported to have stated that the question of Myanmar's attendance
\ndoes not arise because "there has been no decision taken on new
\nmembership of ASEM" (Straits Times, Sept. 3, 1997).<\/p>\n
Secondly, the ongoing dialogue process between ASEAN and the
\nEU would be seriously hampered. While at the same time, the need
\nfor closer cooperation in the future, especially on trade and
\nbusiness relations, is greater than it has been before.<\/p>\n
The growing mood of cooperation which predominates post-Cold
\nWar international relations should not be missed by any parties.
\nThe 30th ASEAN Ministerial Meeting Joint Communique, for example,
\nexpressed the hope that the second ASEM in London would "further
\ndevelop a stronger Asia-Europe partnership for greater growth
\nmutually benefiting both regions". For Europe, the increasing
\nsignificance of East Asian countries in the world economy can no
\nlonger be easily dismissed.<\/p>\n
How, then, should ASEAN react to this issue? In this regard,
\nit would not be appropriate for ASEAN to adopt a confrontational
\nattitude. As mentioned earlier, the question of new membership in
\nASEM has not yet been decided.<\/p>\n
More over, Myanmar's membership in ASEAN does not necessarily
\nmean that the country automatically becomes a member of ASEM.
\nMembership in ASEM is not determined by criteria of regional
\ngrouping. ASEM, it should be made clear, consists of individual
\ncountries which are trying to forge closer cooperation among
\nstates across Asia and Europe.<\/p>\n
Indeed, this issue may become a "sensitive topic" for ASEAN in
\nmonths to come. Therefore, it is important for ASEAN not to be
\ndictated by any kind of fait accompli in formulating its common
\npolicy concerning Myanmar's membership in ASEM.<\/p>\n
There is no need for ASEAN, for example, to insist that
\nMyanmar has to be admitted as a member of ASEM just because the
\nEU does not want it to be so. There is nothing to be gained from
\nsuch an attitude.<\/p>\n
ASEAN should not send the wrong signal to the SLORC regime in
\nYangon, that the Association is willing to sacrifice its wider
\ninterests in defense of Myanmar. More importantly, Myanmar's
\nproblems with the West regarding human rights issues should be
\nsolved by these two parties alone.<\/p>\n
Of course, it is likely that such an attitude could bring the
\nquestion of "ASEAN solidarity" to the fore. It is possible that
\nthere would be questions regarding the purpose of ASEAN if it
\ndoes not come to the defense its members when under attack by
\noutside forces. Such a concern is, of course, legitimate.<\/p>\n
However, one should also not forget that ASEAN expects some
\nchanges, or at least a degree of flexibility, in the SLORC's
\nattitude towards political reform in the country, after Myanmar
\nis admitted as a member.<\/p>\n
In other words, ASEAN itself has admitted, albeit in an
\nindirect way, that there is a problem in Myanmar that needs to be
\nresolved. ASEAN and the West only differ with regard to the most
\nappropriate way to deal with such a problem. Unlike the West,
\nASEAN believes that changes in Myanmar should be brought about
\nthrough engagement not confrontation.<\/p>\n
The writer is a researcher at the Center for Strategic and
\nInternational Studies, Jakarta.<\/p>",
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