MPR should convene to pick new president<\/p>\n
The nation is contemplating holding fresh elections -- which
\ntakes time -- or an extraordinary session of the People's
\nConsultative Assembly (MPR) to choose a new president and vice
\npresident. Jusuf Wanandi, chairman of the Supervisory Board of
\nthe Centre for Strategy and International Studies, opts for the
\nlatter.<\/p>\n
JAKARTA (JP): Indonesia is fortunate to have ended the 32-year
\nrule of president Soeharto without much bloodshed. The succession
\ncould have degenerated into civil war or anarchy. Although the
\nprocess of political change is far from over, the worst seems
\npast. This is due to the restraint shown by the conflicting
\nforces, especially Soeharto himself, the Armed Forces command,
\nopposition leaders and students.<\/p>\n
But Indonesia must now deal realistically with its unfinished
\npolitical agenda. Instead of having a new president and vice
\npresident elected by a special session of the country's highest
\nconstitutional authority, the People's Consultative Assembly,
\nSoeharto elevated his vice president, B.J. Habibie, to replace
\nhim.<\/p>\n
This transfer of power will not bring about the necessary
\nreforms demanded by the public. Habibie was hand picked by
\nSoeharto and has no power base of his own. He is a controversial
\nfigure without experience as a political leader. He is opposed by
\nmany groups with influence in Indonesia. Military leaders are not
\nhappy with his presidency; they accepted him only because it was
\nSoeharto's wish.<\/p>\n
As a result, Habibie does not have the support needed to rally
\nthe Indonesian elite and to get people to take the bitter
\nmedicine of economic reform. Although there are some good
\neconomic managers in his Cabinet most of its members were well-
\nknown figures in the Soeharto regime. The government thus lacks
\ncredibility.<\/p>\n
Moreover, Habibie himself is not trusted by the financial
\nmarkets because of his excessive spending on inefficient prestige
\nprojects while he was a Cabinet minister under Soeharto, and
\nbecause of his unconventional ideas about economic policy.<\/p>\n
In his first statement when he announced his Cabinet, Habibie
\ndid not mention the important role in Indonesia of multinational
\ncompanies or big domestic firms. This raised a lot of questions
\nabout where they fit into Habibie's policies, causing doubts that
\nhe can develop the strategies for overcoming Indonesia's
\ndeepening economic crisis.<\/p>\n
Given the situation's gravity and Habibie's lack of public
\nsupport, the nation has two options: to hold a special session of
\nthe People's Consultative Assembly or a general election for a
\nnew president and vice president as soon as possible.<\/p>\n
If a general election is to be democratic, however, it will
\ntake at least a year to prepare. Laws that favor the ruling
\nGolkar alliance and disadvantage its challengers have to be
\nrewritten. By the time this is done it will be too late to save
\nthe economy, which faces a dangerous meltdown in the next month
\nor so.<\/p>\n
That is why Indonesia should opt for the only other
\nconstitutional alternative: the House of Representatives should
\ncall a special session of the Assembly within a month. It would
\nelect a new president and vice president for a fixed term of two
\nyears with a specific mandate to revive the economy and hold
\nelections in line with the reforms expected by the public.<\/p>\n
Indonesia has a range of leaders who would make capable
\npresidents or vice presidents to carry out this task.<\/p>\n
In the meantime, the unity of the Armed Forces is critical. In
\na country as large and diverse as Indonesia, the Armed Forces is
\nthe guarantor of political stability as well as of national
\nsecurity.<\/p>\n
Under the Armed Forces commander, Gen. Wiranto, there is now a
\nstronger basis for military unity after a period of uncertainty
\nbefore and during the succession struggle. But the military must
\nrespond wisely to the pressures for reform if it wants to
\npreserve its influence in the future.<\/p>\n
Indonesians must never again take it for granted that their
\nleaders will naturally undertake reforms. The government must be
\nmade accountable and subjected to public scrutiny.<\/p>\n
Only with new and credible leaders will Indonesians accept the
\nharsh medicine of austerity and structural change needed to
\novercome the economic crisis. And only with such leaders will
\ninvestors and creditors provide the money that is critically
\nimportant for the country's revival.<\/p>\n
This article first appeared in the International Herald
\nTribune.<\/p>",
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"sponsor": "Okusi Associates",
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