Moslems will never again 'be neglected'<\/p>\n
YOGYAKARTA (JP): Political observer Riswandha Imawan from
\nGadjah Mada University has been closely following the
\ngovernment's effort to win Moslems' hearts. He discussed the
\nissue with The Jakarta Post.<\/p>\n
Question: Why is the government working hard to win Moslems'
\nhearts?<\/p>\n
Answer: There's a paradox to this situation. On the one hand,
\nMoslem politicians now have a strong bargaining position. This is
\nthe best time Moslems have ever had in the political arena since
\nindependence.<\/p>\n
On the other hand, we are observing that Moslem politicians
\nappear to be on a collision course. Gus Dur (Abdurrahman Wahid of
\nNahdlatul Ulama) and Buya (Ismail Hasan Metareum of the United
\nDevelopment Party or PPP) are two examples.<\/p>\n
Buya tends to base his leadership on a \"rational legitimacy\"
\nwhereas Gus Dur relies on his charisma. Both are strong, but are
\nin conflict because of the difference in how they justify their
\nleadership.<\/p>\n
PPP leader Ismail Hasan sees the members of Nahdlatul Ulama as
\nits constituents, while NU leaders do not see the organization as
\na part of PPP, especially because Ismail Hasan once purged its
\nleaders from the party.<\/p>\n
Q: Is it the friction among leading Moslem figures that prompted
\nGolkar leaders, such as Siti Hardiyanti Rukmana, to approach Gus
\nDur?<\/p>\n
A: That's certainly one factor. There are other vested interests.
\nTutut (Siti Hardiyanti Rukmana) and Golkar want to increase the
\ngrouping's votes from among NU members by befriending Gus Dur.
\nBesides, she wants to clear away any roadblocks to a possible
\nvice presidency bid by seeking legitimacy from influential
\nreligious leaders such as Gus Dur.<\/p>\n
Gus Dur himself needs political protection from a figure like
\nTutut and (Army Chief of Staff) Gen. R. Hartono. There is yet
\nanother factor, namely promised financial assistance for NU.<\/p>\n
Gus Dur is a pragmatist. He can work with anyone as long as
\nthey help his organization develop.<\/p>\n
Q: About the fight over Moslems' votes?<\/p>\n
A: There have always been fights to win Moslems' votes, but this
\ntime the conflict is more intense. Moslems, who are in the
\nmajority here, have so far been neglected politically by
\npolitical forces such as Golkar.<\/p>\n
Now Golkar realizes how important it is to win Moslems'
\nhearts, especially after the sectarian unrest in Situbondo,
\nTasikmalaya, and other cities.<\/p>\n
Q: Is it only Golkar which is enthusiastic to win Moslems'
\nsupport?<\/p>\n
A: Golkar wants to regain the votes it lost in various areas in
\nthe 1992 election ... That was an embarrassing loss. That's why
\nit is now fighting hard to win back the support. In order to
\nreach its goal of 70.02 percent of the votes, it must target
\nMoslems, a group that it had previously neglected.<\/p>\n
There are a number of factors why having Islamic support is so
\nimportant now. First, there's the massive and intensive dakwah
\n(Islamic propagation) movement throughout society. Second, any
\nfigure or group currently wishing to take any national leading
\nrole must have the blessing of Moslems, the Armed Forces and the
\nintellectuals. No one can exist for long without the support of
\nthese three groups.<\/p>\n
Q: Which figure currently has the support of all three?<\/p>\n
A: I think Tutut does. Through General Hartono, she is close to
\nthe Armed Forces. She is close to the intellectuals through her
\nties with political observers such as Nazaruddin Syamsuddin, and
\nshe is close to religious groups through Gus Dur.<\/p>\n
(State Minister of Research and Technology) B.J. Habibie's
\nposition has weakened. He is not close to religious leaders and
\nhe's losing the support of intellectuals after (Moslem scholar)
\nAmien Rais resigned from ICMI.<\/p>\n
Q: But when Amien Rais \"stepped down\" from ICMI, didn't it prompt
\nMoslems to turn away from Golkar and the government?<\/p>\n
A: Yes, but the impression was successfully created that Amien
\nwas not sidelined by the government or Golkar, but by ICMI
\nitself. Some people were able to read between the lines and
\nunderstand the government had played a role in the affair, but
\nthe majority could not. They saw the whole thing as an ICMI
\nproblem. Not many people altered their allegiance.<\/p>\n
Q: Besides, Golkar already has Gus Dur, doesn't it?<\/p>\n
A: Remember, Gus Dur can be an unpredictable person. There's the
\npossibility that he has been playing with Golkar, not the other
\nway around.<\/p>\n
The massive gatherings he attended with Tutut could be
\ninterpreted as his support for Golkar, but it's not necessarily
\ntrue. Those gatherings took place in big cities where most people
\nno longer rely on charismatic leaders. Golkar can't win the
\nhearts of most NU members in the rural areas by campaigning in
\nthe big cities.<\/p>\n
Q: Some people find it abhorrent that Gus Dur and Moslems are
\nbeing used by Golkar. After they are no longer needed, what will
\nhappen to them?<\/p>\n
A: That happened in the past but it won't anymore. Because,
\nwhoever wants a leading position in Indonesia, like it or not,
\nmust have the support of Moslems. Besides, the majority of those
\nin power now are Moslem figures. Internationally, there has been
\nan increased respect for Islam. So, no political power can afford
\nto neglect Islam anymore. (38)<\/p>",
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