'Moslems don't need their own movements'<\/p>\n
Chairman of the 30-million strong Nahdlatul Ulama Abdurrahman
\nWahid talked to The Jakarta Post about the changing political map
\nin Indonesia in regard to Moslem groups.<\/p>\n
Q: Many people have been saying that when you shook hands with
\nPresident Soeharto recently, it was a turning point in terms of
\nwhat most people previously thought about the Nahdlatul Ulama-
\ngovernment relationship. What do you think about that?<\/p>\n
A: It's their own fault to think that we had a bad
\nrelationship with Pak Harto (President Soeharto). I don't know
\nhow many times I've said there is no need to worry about that.
\nPeople keep saying Pak Harto was angry with me. It's not true. We
\nalways communicate with each other. Each of us has our own
\nchannels and messengers to do so. Thus, the relationship I have
\nwith him is a normal one.<\/p>\n
Q: Are you trying to say there is nothing special about it?<\/p>\n
A: That's right. The President revealed it to the public.
\nThat's all.<\/p>\n
Q: Why do you refer to it as \"another correction\" from the
\ngovernment?<\/p>\n
A: Pak Harto realized that Moslems were not able to exploit
\nthe opportunity to take part in the development process he
\noffered them in the 1980s, which is understandable, judging from
\nthe lack of organization as well as management experience the
\nMoslem groups had at the time. They were left behind in almost
\nevery sector of development.<\/p>\n
This has caused Moslem groups to feel isolated, resulting in
\nfear and suspicion on the part of the government, including the
\nArmed Forces, Golkar (the dominant political organization), and
\nbureaucrats.<\/p>\n
So, Pak Harto elevated the Moslems by forming the Association
\nof Indonesian Moslem Intellectuals. I call this the \"first
\ncorrection\" by Pak Harto. By doing so, Indonesian Moslems were
\nexpected to be able to focus their attention, as well as their
\npower, to catch up.<\/p>\n
Unfortunately, this correction was manipulated by those who
\nwanted to exploit the Moslem banner on the political stage. Thus,
\nPak Harto made another correction: showing his closeness to more
\nmoderate Moslem groups who don't have any intentions of
\nexploiting the Moslem banner.<\/p>\n
Pak Harto is well-known for his tactics, isn't he?<\/p>\n
Q: Some say the 1997 general election is a critical one for
\nMoslem voters.<\/p>\n
A: Whether or not it's critical depends on how we look at it.
\nFor me, every election is critical, and it surely will affect our
\nfuture.<\/p>\n
Q: How do you see Indonesia's politics today? Some say that
\nIndonesia's political stage is a personalized one.<\/p>\n
A: It is indeed personalized. The political institutions here
\nserve certain individuals. In the United States, Congress can
\nprevent such a thing from happening. If a U.S. president attempts
\nto personalize a political institution, Congress will control it.
\nHere, we have almost no parliamentary control over a President's
\nactions. That's why our political stage is very personalized.<\/p>\n
Q: How does this influence Moslem voters, since they are a
\nmajority here, although some say a minority?<\/p>\n
A: Moslem voters are part of the Indonesian community. Of
\ncourse, such a condition will influence them. But here, we have
\ntwo different views in considering whether they are a potentially
\nmajor political force or a minor one.<\/p>\n
The first view says that Moslems are indeed a majority. Thus,
\nevery Moslem, whoever he or she is, represents the Moslem
\ncommunity. In this case, there is no need for the Moslem
\ncommunity to form a particular political movement, provided that
\nthe President and many other senior government officials are
\nMoslems.<\/p>\n
The second group considers that the Moslem community has to be
\nrepresented by certain Moslem movements, both political (like the
\nUnited Development Party) and non-political (like Muhammadiyah
\nand Nahdlatul Ulama). In reality, there are many non-political
\nmovements whose activities and statements are political. For
\nexample, the Association of Indonesian Moslem Intellectuals.<\/p>\n
Based on the second group's perception, Moslems can be
\nconsidered as a minority. Thus, this group is making a
\npresupposition that Moslem movements deserve more of a role than
\nothers because of their majority. The question is: Is that true?<\/p>\n
Q: What do you think?<\/p>\n
A: I've been saying for a long time that there is no need for
\nthe Moslem community to have its own movements.<\/p>\n
Q: Some believe that Moslem politicians are facing a dilemma
\nin assuming their roles. For example, if they want to be accepted
\non a national level, they feel they should adhere less strictly
\nto Islamic values. Is this true?<\/p>\n
A: What Islamic values are they talking about? My Islamic
\nperspective does not require me to be more or less strict in my
\nadherence to Islamic values. It comes natural to me. I'm a santri
\n(orthodox Moslem). Up till now, I've never drunk any alcoholic
\nbeverages. I do what my religion has taught me, and nothing else.
\nYet, it has nothing to do with my political role.<\/p>\n
My relationship with Nahdlatul Ulama remains good, despite my
\npolitical role. It's not true either that my rapport with other
\nreligious leaders has worsened that relationship. Almost every
\nnight, I go out and preach in front of 15,000 to 20,000 of my
\npeople, sometimes even up to 50,000. Nothing has changed. They
\nstill greet me very affectionately and warmly. There is no sign
\nof a weakening in the relationship.<\/p>\n
I'm afraid those who say so are those who claim they
\nrepresent Moslem society. But in fact, they know nothing about
\ntheir people. (swa)<\/p>",
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