Military's loyalty -- between words and deeds<\/p>\n
In a speech marking the 55th anniversary of the Indonesian
\nMilitary (TNI) on Thursday, President Abdurrahman Wahid, or Gus
\nDur, urged soldiers to pledge their loyalty to the state, not to
\nindividual leaders. The Jakarta Post discusses with political
\nobserver Kusnanto Anggoro of the Centre for Strategic and
\nInternational Studies the relationship between the President and
\nthe military.<\/p>\n
Question: How do you assess TNI's loyalty to the state?<\/p>\n
Answer: TNI's loyalty should always be to the state. During
\nthe 32 years of Soeharto's rule the military pledged its loyalty
\nnot to the state, but to Pak Harto. But then, because everybody
\nthought Pak Harto personified the state, to be loyal to the state
\nmeant being loyal to Pak Harto. That went for just about
\neveryone, not only the military.<\/p>\n
Today, as long as we are talking about the TNI as an
\ninstitution, there should be no problem with TNI's loyalty. Its
\nrevised doctrine, announced on April 20, states that TNI obeys
\nand supports the concept of civil supremacy.<\/p>\n
The problem emerges when the doctrine is not fully implemented
\nbecause there is no unity in TNI's leadership.<\/p>\n
Weaknesses in the chain of command have also meant that orders
\nfrom the top are not carried out in the field. Aceh, Maluku and
\nAtambua are cases in point.<\/p>\n
We do not know whether low-ranking soldiers have been
\nthoroughly informed about the newly revised doctrine.<\/p>\n
Does the fact that the TNI chief (Adm. Widodo A.S.) is not
\nfrom the Army have anything to do with this problem of loyalty?<\/p>\n
This problem has nothing to do with where the TNI chief comes
\nfrom. The Army leadership is not united to begin with.<\/p>\n
There are cliques built around individuals like Lt. Gen. Agus
\nWidjojo (TNI chief of territorial affairs), Lt. Gen. Endiartono
\nSutarto (Army deputy chief of staff), Lt. Gen. Agus
\nWirahadikusumah (former Kostrad chief) and Lt. Gen. Djamari
\nChaniago (TNI chief of general affairs). Each clique in turn is
\naffiliated to groups outside the Army. If one of them was
\nappointed to be the next Army chief of staff, there would be no
\nguarantee he would enjoy the full support of the Army.<\/p>\n
How do you see the relationship between the President and TNI?<\/p>\n
It remains a big struggle for the President because some
\nofficers in the military still reject him. You may recall that
\nthe TNI faction (in the People's Consultative Assembly) did not
\nvote for Gus Dur (TNI abstained during the vote), although TNI
\neventually pledged its loyalty to the elected President.<\/p>\n
The problem in their relationship is not institutional. The
\nproblem is that there is a difference between what TNI (leaders)
\nsay and what they do.<\/p>\n
Will TNI ever openly defy the President?<\/p>\n
I don't think TNI has the courage to stage a coup if that is
\nwhat you mean. That would be suicidal. The probability of that
\noccurring is zero percent.<\/p>\n
But active and retired TNI officers could still conspire to
\nunsettle the President. There have been these secret meetings.
\nThey could create disturbances, but never a coup.<\/p>\n
What about the performance of the State Intelligence
\nCoordinating Board (Bakin). Is Gus Dur in control of the agency?<\/p>\n
Bakin should have reported these secret meetings (between TNI
\nofficers) to the President. Gus Dur has no control over Bakin.
\nMaybe that is why he relies more on his \"private\" intelligence.<\/p>\n
Ideally, Gus Dur should turn to Bakin when he wants to know
\nabout security conditions in the country. If Bakin cannot give
\nthe correct answers, he should just replace the Bakin chief.<\/p>\n
What about the proposal to dissolve Bakin?<\/p>\n
We still need Bakin, but it has to be reorganized. Bakin has
\nbeen operating more like a military intelligence unit. Its real
\ntasks are actually much more strategic, like those related to the
\ngovernment's economic policies. (Tiarma Siboro)<\/p>",
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