Megawati's rise offers hope for women<\/p>\n
By Nori Andriyani<\/p>\n
JAKARTA (JP): When Megawati Soekarnoputri announced her
\nintention to run for the presidency this writer was filled with
\njoy in anticipation that she could be the vehicle to bring about
\nchanges for women. But calls to women activist friends to find
\nout their reaction and to ask whether the women's movement would
\nsupport Megawati were met with a distinct lack of enthusiasm.
\nThey were highly doubtful that Megawati would address the
\nfeminist agenda of empowering women.<\/p>\n
The criticism voiced by activists is that Megawati is feudal
\nbecause she relies heavily on her father's fame and his outlook;
\nshe has no original reflections. They also condemned Megawati for
\nher silence, which strengthened public doubts that a housewife
\ncould become a political figure.<\/p>\n
But hopefully the activists can think otherwise. Megawati's
\nascendancy to one of the highest political positions in the
\ncountry has political implications that will benefit the feminist
\nagenda.<\/p>\n
Whether feminist interests are on Megawati's agenda or not,
\nher entrance into the public political sphere shatters the
\npatriarchal argument that women can not be leaders. This argument
\nwas vigorously aired by some Muslim groups, and was used as a
\nweapon to put her down. This statement does not intend to single
\nout Islam, as other religions are also known for their
\ndisapproval of women leaders. For example, except for in their
\nconvents, the Catholic Church has no place for women in the
\nchurch leadership. But in Megawati's case, some Muslim groups
\nused gender as an issue to subdue the nationalist Indonesian
\nDemocratic Party of Struggle (PDI Perjuangan) which she leads.<\/p>\n
The rise of Megawati will have a ripple effect on the
\nshattering of patriarchal arguments, that downplay women's
\ncapability in the politic arena and that also aim to exclude
\nwomen altogether from politics. Women nationwide now have a role
\nmodel that will be a source of inspiration for a new generation
\nof women political leaders yet to be born. There has been an
\noverlong silence from genuine women political leaders. And
\nMegawati broke that silence by showing that a woman can fight her
\nway up the political ladder.<\/p>\n
Whether she is aware of the fact or is not, Megawati has
\nactually made an effort to insert the feminist agenda into
\nIndonesian patriarchal politics. She is introducing feminine
\nvalues into the predominantly masculine politics. Megawati has
\nbuilt an image of a strong mother figure that has come to protect
\nher children. All Indonesian people are her children. And she has
\ncome to make the peace. Her inauguration speech clearly reflected
\nthis image. Two prominent national dailies picked up on the
\nmothering theme. On Oct. 22, the Kompas headline was: \"Megawati:
\n'Your Mother Stands Here'\" while Media Indonesia ran with: \"At
\nThis Speaker's Platform Your Mother Stands.\"<\/p>\n
Megawati was addressing students who had been at the forefront
\nof the reformasi movement, as well as her party supporters.
\nHowever, when it was taken as a headline by major newspapers, the
\ncontext of her address was extended; she seemed to be addressing
\nthe whole nation.<\/p>\n
Megawati is not alone in this movement to integrate feminine
\nvalues into the predominantly masculine politics. Several
\nIndonesian women groups, particularly the Voice of Concerned
\nMothers, have taken this line. Consider the latter's now famous
\nactions to provide affordable milk for children affected by the
\neconomic crisis.<\/p>\n
Another group, Seruni, has promoted an image of women as peace
\nmakers. They have organized peaceful protests at the Hotel
\nIndonesia traffic circle. Implicitly, such a movement is also
\nsaying that peaceful political methods is a woman's way and that
\nway will be more productive than the violent approach of the
\nmasculine political players, be it the military, police, or the
\nmen at the forefront of the people's resistance.<\/p>\n
Radical feminist Marilyn French argued that to spare the world
\nunnecessary conflict, feminine values must be reintegrated into
\nthe masculine society's patriarchal ideology (in Rosemarie Tong,
\nFeminist Thought, 1998).<\/p>\n
Looking at the Megawati phenomenon, the Voice of Concerned
\nMothers, Seruni and other groups, their call is similar to
\nFrench's proposition. Many of these women may not like the idea
\nthat what they have been voicing are feminist and radical
\nviewpoints. Such connections are often considered
\ncounterproductive in Indonesia's patriarchal and feminist phobic
\nsociety.<\/p>\n
But labels are not important. What is important is that they
\ndo have feminist implications. That is because they voice women's
\ninterests, they insert women's perspectives, and they demand
\nchanges be made the women's way. For a long time in the New
\nOrder, women were silent and were only bystanders in Indonesian
\npolitics. The reformasi era has created room for Megawati and the
\nmushrooming progressive women's organizations in the country to
\nbecome proactive political players.<\/p>\n
In short, there is a intensifying movement today in Indonesia
\nto introduce feminine politics to counter masculine politics.
\nAlthough perhaps unaware of her role, Megawati is now at the
\nforefront of this movement, because she is striking straight into
\nthe heart of masculine politics. Just by holding her high
\npolitical position, and as the second person in command (whose
\npower may increase considering Abdurrahman Wahid's health), she
\nnow calls the shots for further changes in the feminist agenda.<\/p>\n
This is a major shift for women nationwide. In the New Order,
\nwomen were only granted token political positions and only given
\nwhat were traditionally considered to be feminine posts. During
\nthat time, women were only appointed to the controversial
\nMinistry of Women's Affairs and the Ministry of Social Services.
\nThis time, Megawati has gained a political position not because
\nit was granted to her, but because she struggled for it.<\/p>\n
Indeed as the bearer of Sukarno's legacy, Megawati had a
\nbetter start than other women. But she came to power through an
\nelection. This makes a big difference.<\/p>\n
The above arguments are the basis for the call to women
\nactivists to make a concerted effort to reach Megawati and \"use\"
\nher to forward women's interests. Megawati and the women's
\nmovement actually need each other. The movement needs her to
\npromote women's interests at the level of national politics.<\/p>\n
Megawati needs to maintain political support from her female
\nsupporters and gain the support of women who remain doubtful of
\nher solidarity with women's issues.<\/p>\n
It is worth noting that Megawati's party was castigated for
\nbeing one of the parties that did not provide a clear program for
\nadvancing women's rights. And the party did not seem to care
\nabout this lack because even without the program, many women gave
\ntheir votes to her party.<\/p>\n
One indicator of this situation was the conspicuous increase
\nin women callers to a radio station the day of her election to
\nthe vice presidency. Most of them voiced their support for
\nMegawati. Usually on political issues, fewer women call into
\ninteractive radio shows compared to men. Megawati's party has an
\ninterest in ensuring that more women will vote for her party at
\nthe next election. In 2004 people will vote for their president
\ndirectly. Therefore Megawati's performance in successfully
\nmeeting the interests of various groups, including women who
\ncount for at least half of the voter population, will be the
\ndetermining factor.<\/p>\n
In the mean time, the progressive women's movement must be
\nproactive in reaching out to Megawati. If the women activist
\nleaders take a passive position, waiting for Megawati to come to
\nthem, then they will be making the same mistake that Megawati
\nmade. (A factor which she and other PDI Perjuangan leaders may
\nhave realized by now, because had it not been for the support of
\nthe masses countrywide, the silent approach almost cost her the
\nvice presidency.)<\/p>\n
The movement must work together to attract Megawati's
\nattention to find solutions for major women's issues such as the
\nMay 1998 rapes and the raping and killing of women in violent
\nregions such as Aceh.<\/p>\n
It is high time for the women's movement to be proactive in
\npromoting women's interests because Megawati now holds the
\nhighest official political position in the country. First Lady
\nNuriyah Wahid is also known for her concern about women's issues,
\nand has more than once joined peaceful rallies against violence.<\/p>\n
In the name of women's interests, let us take them by the
\nhand. The time has come to be more proactive or else the momentum
\nwill slip by. This is not a call to be a Megawati bootlicker; on
\nthe contrary, it is a call to intensify our political stance.<\/p>\n
The writer is a lecturer in the Women's Studies Graduate Program
\nat the University of Indonesia in Jakarta.<\/p>",
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