Megawati must assume more control<\/p>\n
Kornelius Purba, Staff Writer, The Jakarta Post, Jakarta<\/p>\n
In a meeting with members of the Indonesian community in Tokyo
\nlast month, President Megawati Soekarnoputri shared the secret of
\nhow she manages the country, including restoring calm to the
\neconomic and political chaos. She uses \"housewife management\",
\nshe said, and she also told her Cabinet members to follow her
\napproach.<\/p>\n
She revealed her strong faith in the delegation of authorities
\nto top aides, and that she was more interested in getting the
\nfinal results of their work rather than intervening in their day-
\nto-day duties.<\/p>\n
She had teased her economic czar, Coordinating Minister for
\nthe Economy Dorodjatun Kuntjoro-Jakti, who was often trapped in
\ncomplex economic theories when deciding the government's economic
\npolicies. \"Why not just adopt the housewife method,\" she said.<\/p>\n
But now this \"household\" needs a more involved chief, at least
\nin leading the way for the President's aides.<\/p>\n
Megawati is completely different from her predecessor
\nAbdurrahman Wahid, who was dismissed by the People's Consultative
\nAssembly (MPR) in July. Abdurrahman not only tended to intervene
\nin all of his ministers' policy-makings, but even made major
\ndecisions without consulting them.<\/p>\n
Abdurrahman also dismissed his ministers or top aides a number
\nof times. Since the reasons for the dismissals were not always
\nclear, it led people to believe that he replaced aides at whim.<\/p>\n
While Abdurrahman was largely in confrontation mode with the
\nlegislature, Megawati avoids potential conflict.<\/p>\n
Her choice of M.A. Rachman as attorney general simply because
\nhe was a career state prosecutor is a clear indication of how she
\navoids friction with state bodies.<\/p>\n
Megawati made clear her priorities: Economic revival,
\nrestoration of political chaos, law enforcement and maintaining
\nthe endangered territorial integrity.<\/p>\n
She picked three men as her strongest aides: Dorodjatun,
\nCoordinating Minister for Political and Security Affairs Gen.
\n(ret) Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and State Secretary\/Cabinet
\nSecretary Bambang Kesowo to be in charge of administrative
\naffairs. She delegated her power and entrusted them to make major
\ndecisions.<\/p>\n
Over the past few months, however, disappointment has hovered
\nover the performance of these aides.<\/p>\n
The appointment of Dorodjatun, the former Indonesian envoy to
\nthe U.S. and dean of the School of Economics at the University of
\nIndonesia, initially won praise from the market. Now many doubt
\nhis capability. During Cabinet meetings, he reportedly upsets the
\nministers often with his lengthy sermons about economic strategy.<\/p>\n
His idea about a possible debt-writeoff received strong
\nopposition from major lenders, including a direct remark from
\nJapanese Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi.<\/p>\n
Look at the way Susilo handled the noisy and violent
\ndemonstrations, including the \"sweepings\" against foreigners by
\nsome radical groups protesting the U.S.-led attacks on
\nAfghanistan. He continued to issue warnings on the consequences
\nof the protests without taking firm action.<\/p>\n
It was only after Megawati threatened to take over his role by
\ndirectly approaching the demonstrators -- as she reportedly told
\na close advisor -- and to dismiss the police top brass that the
\npolice acted on stopping the noisy demonstrations. The
\ndemonstrators, including the Islamic Defenders Front (FPI),
\nclashed with police but public order was then restored.<\/p>\n
Bambang professed that the President did not want to get
\ninvolved in details, including in her speech writing process, and
\nshe makes final decisions after receiving input and advice from
\nher top aides.<\/p>\n
Bambang practically acts like her chief of staff. She supports
\nhis idea to return power to the State Secretariat, once described
\nas \"a state within a state\". In this scenario, Bambang would be
\nthe only person in charge not only of the presidential office but
\nalso the office of Vice President Hamzah Haz.<\/p>\n
This is not taking place without any resistance, including
\nfrom the powerful military. Sources close to Megawati disclosed
\nthat the military strongly protest Bambang's plan to abolish the
\nmilitary secretary's post and downgrade it to deputy state
\nsecretary.<\/p>\n
A source said that during Megawati's visit to Tokyo last
\nmonth, Military Secretary Maj. Gen. Tubagus Hasanuddin, a member
\nof her entourage, approached her to protest a decision from
\nBambang, who prohibited Hasanuddin from attending Cabinet
\nmeetings. The military secretary has always attended the meetings
\nsince Soeharto's rule.<\/p>\n
Quoting the President, Bambang told Hasanuddin that she did
\nnot want the military secretary's presence at the Cabinet
\nmeetings. The general wanted to confirm the statement directly
\nwith the President.<\/p>\n
The source said that Megawati had told him: \"I never forbade
\nthe military secretary from attending the meeting. You are
\nexpected to attend such important fora.\"<\/p>\n
Having grown up in the palace as the daughter of first
\npresident Soekarno, Megawati was quite familiar with her father's
\ninner circle of officials and the intrigue among those competing
\nto get close to Sukarno.<\/p>\n
People have hoped that she would not repeat the mistakes of
\nher predecessors, including her father, who allowed themselves to
\nbe misused by their trusted aides and others around them.<\/p>\n
The mostly quiet President seems so far inaccessible to those
\nwith vested interests, such as officials and businesspeople.
\nHowever, corrupt practices by palace officials, especially those
\nwho were under Soeharto's regime, remain a threat to Megawati's
\nleadership.<\/p>\n
Protocol officials are famous for their sophisticated way of
\narranging meetings with the President, if necessary by holding a
\nceremony where their \"clients\" would get an opportunity to talk
\nto the President. For instance, the seminar on drugs, featuring
\nthe police top brass, opened on Monday at the palace, but had
\nbeen scheduled for next month.<\/p>\n
Therefore, it is not impossible that old practices will
\nreoccur. Businesspeople or officials have been known to bribe
\npalace officials to obtain presidential decisions on business-
\nrelated policies prior to public announcement, or influence
\npeople around the President to issue certain presidential decrees
\nor government decisions to benefit a business or other interest.<\/p>\n
One notorious example was the \"KISS\" ke istana sendiri
\nsendiri, (going to the palace individually), referring to the
\nefforts of those who would meet secretly with the President
\nwithout the knowledge of their superiors. Ministers, generals or
\nother senior officials often asked Soeharto to approve their
\nrespective policies even though the policy was opposed by their
\nimmediate superiors.<\/p>\n
Even now, visits to the palace are showing signs of the
\nfamiliar KISS, involving officials and businesspeople scurrying
\nfor the President's favors, as also indicated by the
\nparticipation of a relative of a troubled tycoon in the entourage
\nto Tokyo.<\/p>\n
To better lead her household and avoid past mistakes, Megawati
\nmust take command of the Cabinet meetings and other major
\npolitical decisions, and not just delegate her aides to act on
\nher behalf.<\/p>\n
She is more than capable of leading the country. But sooner or
\nlater she may lose control on her government and the Cabinet if
\nshe does not become more involved in day-to-day government
\naffairs.<\/p>",
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