Megawati loses chair but not stature<\/p>\n
The recent controversial congress of the Indonesian
\nDemocratic Party (PDI) in Medan effectively bulldozed Megawati
\nSoekarnoputri from the chairmanship, but political analyst
\nRiswandha Imawan believes she is rising in stature.<\/p>\n
YOGYAKARTA (JP): The common assumption that the recent
\nIndonesian Democratic Party congress in Medan was nothing less
\nthan the beginning of a bigger disaster seems to hold some
\ncredence.<\/p>\n
The government-sponsored congress managed to unseat the
\nparty's chairperson Megawati Soekarnoputri. But her stature has
\nsince grown both in terms of leadership charisma and in the
\npower to win more people to her cause.<\/p>\n
The congress has helped launch a new political force in
\nIndonesia. No longer does Megawati belong solely to the party.
\nShe has captured the hearts of those outside the party as well.
\nPeople who are not satisfied with today's monolithic political
\nmechanism, including individuals ostracized by those within the
\ncircle of power as a result of increasingly \"personalized\"
\npolitics.<\/p>\n
This is obvious from the numerous street protests in the
\nprovinces against the results of the Medan congress. The
\nprotesters comprise not only die-hard Megawati supporters but
\nfree riders as well. The free riders are those who need a basis
\nin the masses to promote their ideas of reform. They look upon
\nthe recent congress as a clash between a new undercurrent of
\npolitical will and the solid wall of power.<\/p>\n
It is interesting to note that the protests received
\noverwhelming support from young people, mainly university
\nstudents. Do these students sympathize with the party?<\/p>\n
The fact they took part in the marches and demonstrations does
\nnot necessarily mean these young people are all party members.
\nThe unit of analysis of democracy is the individual, not the
\ngroup.<\/p>\n
Moreover, democracy does not recognize the formal boundaries
\nof an organization since it works on a spiritual level. In other
\nwords, a person need not be a member of the party to have a
\ndemocratic spirit. This spirit can be equally shared by a person
\nwho is a member of the ruling Golkar political grouping, the
\nUnited Development Party, or even the Armed Forces.<\/p>\n
A more critical society understands that the process toward
\nachieving a goal is important in a democracy. It is not merely a
\nquestion of attaining the objective. A goal can be achieved but
\nperhaps not through a democratic way. Democracy needs tolerance
\nbecause the crux of a democratic process lies in consensus, in
\nthe endeavor to resolve a conflict. Hence all contending sides
\nmust sit at a table in equal positions.<\/p>\n
The youths know very well the substantial values of democracy.
\nThey did not see them in the recent congress. The congress had
\nonly one single objective: to topple Megawati. This was done on
\nthe pretext of the wider context of an attempt to consolidate the
\nparty.<\/p>\n
The fact that the congress was closed two days earlier than
\nscheduled is proof of this argument. The congress was clearly
\nmeant to reinstate former chairman Soerjadi who was defeated by
\nMegawati in a 1993 congress.<\/p>\n
More proof is found in the fact that the recent Medan congress
\nalso annulled various party decisions made by Megawati, including
\nthe 1993 statutes and regulations. Those of 1986 were reinstated.<\/p>\n
The congress also revoked Megawati's dismissal of 16 pro-
\ncongress members of the executive board and decision No.043\/1994
\nwhich the congress perceived as the cause of the rift within the
\nparty's East Java branch.<\/p>\n
Frankly speaking, Soerjadi excels in leadership qualities
\ncompared to those of the party's leadership elite, but democracy
\nnever makes a case out of quality. What matters is the quantity
\nof support. Hence, the party might have members of good quality
\nbut they do not become part of the elite because they fail to
\ngarner enough support.<\/p>\n
The crux of the matter is, however, that the way in which
\nSoerjadi was elected was not democratic. First, Megawati was
\nrecognized de jure leader at the national conference on Dec. 22
\nand Dec. 23, 1993 which was in follow up to the Dec. 2 to Dec. 6,
\n1993 extraordinary congress in which Megawati was elected de
\nfacto leader.<\/p>\n
Although Megawati's de jure election was done during a
\nnational conference, the party members pronounced the conference
\nto be on a par with a congress. So, Megawati's position is no
\nweaker than Soerjadi's. Based on the party's statutes and
\nregulations, her power will end in 1998. The recent congress was
\nheld just two-and-a-half years after Megawati's election.<\/p>\n
Second, according to the party statutes and regulations of
\nboth 1986 and 1993, any congress must be attended by branch
\nrepresentatives. For that purpose, branch conferences and
\nprovincial conferences are held prior to any congress. So, the
\nlegality of the Medan congress is very doubtful.<\/p>\n
Third, Megawati was not invited to account for her policies in
\nfront of the congress. The congress in Medan was no other than a
\nunilateral trial for Megawati. This makes it very remote from the
\nbasic values of a democratic political life.<\/p>\n
Youths and students say that the PDI congress in Medan was a
\ncoup d'etat in relationship to Megawati's power. It is the worst
\npolitical lesson they could ever have learned, namely that a coup
\nis the most effective means of replacing a person in power in
\nIndonesia.<\/p>\n
Perhaps they also came to the realization that even the
\ndeposing of president Sukarno in the mid 1960s was not as harsh
\nas the political maneuvering of today. President Sukarno was
\nasked to account for his leadership in the Provisional People's
\nConsultative Assembly in 1967 and was rejected. Only then did the
\npresidential election process start.<\/p>\n
The toppling of Megawati reflects the deterioration of
\npolitical ethics among the elite circles of power. This method is
\nnot in line with the policy of the New Order as it has come to be
\nunderstood. It is a step 30 to 50 years backwards.<\/p>\n
The writer is a lecturer of political science at Gadjah Mada
\nUniversity, Yogyakarta.<\/p>",
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