Megawati govt hesitant to fight corruption<\/p>\n
A'an Suryana, The Jakarta Post, Jakarta<\/p>\n
Four years have passed since the reform movement swept through
\nthe nation in 1998, but corruption, the main disease the
\nreformists pledged to eradicate, remains a cause for concern.<\/p>\n
Rather than waning, corruption has become even more entrenched
\nin society over the last four years.<\/p>\n
Courts have continued to produce verdicts that go against the
\npublic's sense of justice. The police seem to have lost the will
\nto investigate individuals and parties allegedly involved in
\ncorruption. And the government, the supposed vanguard of the
\nreform movement, has failed to take bold steps to eradicate
\ncorruption.<\/p>\n
There were numerous cases in 2002 to suggest the government
\nwas not serious about combating corruption. Most notably was the
\nBulog II scandal, which was reminiscent of the first Bulog
\nscandal involving former president Abdurrahman Wahid.<\/p>\n
This high profile corruption case involved politician Akbar
\nTandjung, chairman of the Golkar Party and Speaker of the House
\nof Representatives, who was convicted by the court of misusing
\nstate funds in 1999 when he was state minister\/state secretary.<\/p>\n
Akbar was tasked by then president B.J. Habibie to channel Rp
\n40 billion of State Logistics Agency (Bulog) funds to the needy.
\nProsecutors found this money never reached its intended target.<\/p>\n
Many believe the money went into the coffers of Golkar and was
\nused to finance the party's election campaign. Despite the
\nconvincing evidence of the misappropriation of state funds by
\nAkbar, prosecutors failed to follow the money trail to its final
\ndestination.<\/p>\n
The mystery could have been solved if President Megawati
\nSoekarnoputri, also the chairwoman of the ruling Indonesian
\nDemocratic Party of Struggle (PDI Perjuangan), had thrown her
\nweight behind the establishment of a House special committee of
\ninquiry into Akbar's role in the scandal. If Golkar had been
\nfound to have received the funds, it could have been dissolved
\naccording to the election law.<\/p>\n
However, as fears of Golkar retaliation mounted, Megawati and
\nher party preferred the investigation into the scandal to be left
\nto the Attorney General's Office, which has a reputation for
\nbeing less than tough n fighting corruption. The plan to
\nestablish a House special committee was finally dropped due to
\nresistance by the PDI Perjuangan faction, the largest faction in
\nthe House.<\/p>\n
Akbar was eventually sentenced for three years in jail, though
\nhe remains free pending his appeal. The result suggested that the
\ndamage was confined to Akbar, while Golkar remained safe. It also
\nsuggested that political deals had been reached between Golkar
\nand PDI Perjuangan ahead of the 2004 elections.<\/p>\n
Akbar's graft case was not the only one to concern the public
\nthis year. Allegations of corruption in the Attorney General's
\nOffice gained credence when the Public Servants Wealth Audit
\nCommission (KPKPN) revealed that the head of the office, M.A.
\nRachman, failed to report a luxury home he owns in Cinere, South
\nJakarta, to the commission.<\/p>\n
Public resentment increased when Rachman failed to provide a
\nconvincing explanation as to how he was able to afford to build
\nthe house.<\/p>\n
Not surprisingly, the public jumped to the assumption that
\nRachman had built the house with ill-gotten wealth. However,
\ndespite the public pressure for Rachman's suspension, President
\nMegawati again showed her reluctance to take action. She
\njustified her decision not to act by saying that suspending
\nRachman would not guarantee an improvement in the performance of
\nthe Attorney General's Office.<\/p>\n
Both the Rachman and Akbar cases suggest that the government
\nlacks the courage and boldness needed to eradicate corruption.
\nThis is all the more disappointing given the fact that Megawati's
\ngovernment enjoys strong support from a broad-based political
\ncoalition and the people.<\/p>\n
With such strong support, Megawati's government would seem to
\nbe perfectly placed to fight corruption. And in the case of
\nRachman, it would not have been much of a fight given that the
\nattorney general has no significant political backing.<\/p>\n
If Megawati's government has failed to live up to the reform
\nmovement's goal of eradicating corruption, collusion and nepotism
\ndespite its strong mandate, then allegations that the current
\nadministration has condoned or has even been involved in the
\npractices do not seem to be greatly exaggerated.<\/p>\n
As public trust in the government's commitment to fighting
\ncorruption was deteriorating, a ray of hope emerged with the
\nHouse's endorsement of a long-waited law that would establish a
\npowerful anticorruption commission to replace the KPKPN.<\/p>\n
It is hoped the commission will bring concrete and bold
\nactions to investigate corruption and bring perpetrators, either
\npetty or mighty, to justice.<\/p>\n
Many have hailed the commission as a major breakthrough in the
\nfight against corruption, as it is empowered to take over
\ninvestigations and prosecutions from the National Police and the
\nAttorney General's Office, two institutions long criticized for
\ntheir inability to enforce the anticorruption law.<\/p>\n
But there still remains one very large question: Will the
\ncommission be able to establish justice if those in power do not
\nhave the political will to uproot corruption?<\/p>",
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