Massive quake demonstrates why Japan is what it is (2)<\/p>\n
This is the second of two articles by The Jakarta Post Asia
\ncorrespondent Harvey Stockwin who sets the Kansai Earthquake
\nagainst the background of Japan's traditional psychology.<\/p>\n
HONG KONG (JP): Despite a lengthening casualty list, the major
\nKansai Earthquake still pales by comparison with the Great Kanto
\none in Tokyo and Yokohama 72 years ago when 140,000 died.<\/p>\n
Nevertheless, the many obvious shortcomings of the rescue and
\nrelief operation in response to this disaster should give the
\nnewly formed opposition party Shinshinto (New Frontier Party) an
\nopportunity not merely to verbally chastise the government, but
\nalso to make a strong impact on Japanese politics at the
\nbeginning of an election year.<\/p>\n
First and last, perhaps the greatest single casualty of the
\nKansai earthquake has been the hubris with which Japanese had
\ncome to regard their chances of surviving a major tremor
\nrelatively unscathed.<\/p>\n
Prior to this disaster, the pervasive Japanese belief in their
\nmuch-vaunted technological superiority, plus the relative recent
\nabsence of any great quake in a major urban area, held sway. It
\ncreated a good deal of complacency -- despite those deep
\nuncertainties already discussed.<\/p>\n
It can even be argued that complacency is the essential
\ndefense mechanism used by Japanese to grapple with the knowledge
\nthat they are always subject to massive, unpredictable and
\nuncontrollable shifts in the earth's crust.<\/p>\n
Additionally, major quakes in the Kansai area are rarer than
\nthose in the Kanto region. So obviously the precautions taken in
\nKobe were less than those allegedly made in the capital city
\nTokyo. But another factor in the equation was the pervasive
\nbelief that technological advance had somehow made Japan less
\nexposed to its traditional tragedies.<\/p>\n
Such arrogance was clearly on view in the media, and in
\nJapanese attitudes generally, in the reactions to recent
\nearthquakes in California, notably the one in Los Angeles exactly
\na year ago. \"That cannot happen here\" was often said, as a U.S.
\nfreeway toppled over, not least by officials of the Japanese
\nMinistry of Construction.<\/p>\n
Now, as both the elevated Hanshin Expressway in Kansai and
\nJapanese hubris crash to the ground, the present coalition
\ngovernment in Japan could be a further casualty.<\/p>\n
The Mainichi Shimbun newspaper indicated the national come-
\ndown as, after analyzing the post-earthquake breakdown in
\ncommunications, transport and utilities in the stricken area, it
\nsuggested that \"It is hard to believe this is 'economic
\nsuperpower Japan'\".<\/p>\n
Secondly, even though the Kansai earthquake has been getting
\nblanket television coverage, the government, like the monarchy,
\nwas unbelievably slow to project an image of concern.<\/p>\n
This was well illustrated on Jan. 19 when, 56 hours after the
\nearthquake, Murayama became the first cabinet minister to take a
\nbrief first-hand look at all the devastation.<\/p>\n
Given the death toll plus the privations being suffered in the
\ncold winter weather by between 200,000 and 300,000 evacuees in
\nand around Kobe, the absence of other ministers was an
\nextraordinary omission. Murayama hardly improved the government's
\nstanding with his visit.<\/p>\n
On the one hand, he emphasized the ministerial oversight in
\nnot coming earlier to the scene, by admitting that \"the
\n(earthquake) destruction was much worse than I imagined\". He had
\nbeen heard to talk about two or three hundred evacuees after the
\nquake hit.<\/p>\n
On the other, he underlined the many shortcomings of the
\ngovernment response to the crisis, as he also admitted that the
\nKansai earthquake had become \"a disaster that nobody could even
\nimagine\".<\/p>\n
Murayama's lack of imagination is easily explained. Before the
\nearthquake struck, and also probably afterwards, he was
\npreoccupied with the imminent final breakup of the Japan
\nSocialist Party.<\/p>\n
There has been some criticism of the government in the press.
\nOptimistically, the second largest newspaper the Asahi Shimbun
\neditorialized that \"Parliament, in addition to pressing the
\ngovernment for emergency measures for the quake damage, must,
\nthrough a debate on disaster policies, thoroughly ensure the
\npeople's peace of mind\".<\/p>\n
However, after forty years of one-party rule by the Liberal
\nDemocratic Party (LDP), there is no guarantee that the people's
\nsuffering in Kansai will translate into pointed parliamentary
\nquestions, let alone heated debate in the Diet.<\/p>\n
This is where the newly formed Shinshinto led by former Prime
\nMinister Toshiki Kaifu should seize the moment since, in many
\nways, the Kansai Earthquake has played right into its hands.<\/p>\n
Shinshinto spokesmen have already stressed tactical mistakes,
\nsuch as the delayed deployment of large numbers of the Japanese
\nmilitary to help cope with the catastrophe. Another relevant
\ncriticism has been the failure to control traffic on the roads
\nthat were still accessible in the disaster area, thereby limiting
\naccess to those involved in emergencies and relief.<\/p>\n
Shinshinto maintains that the coalition government is
\ninefficient -- the disaster provides plenty of ammunition on this
\nscore.<\/p>\n
Shinshinto argues that Japanese politics should involve
\ngreater competition between the two main parties -- the
\nearthquake gives it a chance to practice what it preaches.<\/p>\n
Above all, Shinshinto leaders maintain that the politicians
\nmust take back control of government and society back from the
\nbureaucrats.<\/p>\n
The complacency, poor anticipation, and insufficient
\norganization which have characterized the inadequate responses to
\nthe Kansai earthquake and its aftermath emphatically reinforce
\nthis view. They are the natural by-products of a state wherein
\nunelected bureaucrats control decision-making.<\/p>\n
Amazingly, Japanese bureaucratic arrogance was superbly
\ndepicted when the Governor of Osaka prefecture (himself a career
\nbureaucrat) blamed the victims of the earthquake for their
\nmisery.<\/p>\n
\"(Those evacuated) should cook their meals for themselves but
\nthey don't have the will to do so,\"Governor Kazuo Nakagawa said
\n\"They should do whatever they can. But they think someone else
\nwill do something for them\".<\/p>\n
The newly formed opposition party has been handed a great
\nopportunity but whether Shinshinto will use the earthquake to
\nadvantage remains in doubt. So far, its leaders, too, have
\nrefrained from visiting the disaster area.<\/p>\n
So perhaps the old undemocratic Japan, itself born of
\ndisaster, will remain in charge. Muddling through will be once
\nagain preferred to properly apportioning blame for the man-made
\naspects of the calamity.<\/p>\n
Dissident socialists who had promised to resign from the
\nSocialist Party, and form a new opposition grouping, have
\npostponed their departure, preferring ostensible harmony at a
\nmoment of crisis rather than more pointed and effective
\ncriticism.<\/p>\n
In this and other ways, criticism generally will be muted in
\norder not to rock the boat. Political leaders, even from
\nShinshinto, will not lead for fear of being chided as too
\nassertive. Politicians will remain merely the titular holders of
\npower. Bureaucrats will retain control, even though the price
\nwill almost certainly be more of the complacency which has
\nalready cost many additional lives in the wake of the major
\nearthquake.<\/p>\n
So it rather looks as if the opportunity to become more
\nmeaningfully democratic will be missed. Japan will prefer to
\nremain as it has been moulded by countless natural disasters.<\/p>",
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