Mangunwijaya: Indonesian political opposition must improve<\/p>\n
YOGYAKARTA (JP): Many have voiced criticism against the new
\ngovernment but none are using appropriate ethics for political
\nopposition.<\/p>\n
Social activist and novelist Y.B. Mangunwijaya has said that
\nthe current political situation is not conducive for the
\nestablishment of an opposition party.<\/p>\n
The mounting criticism against the government should not
\nnecessarily mean that the government, formed after Soeharto fell
\nfrom grace on May 21, is moving toward better democracy.<\/p>\n
Mangunwijaya shared his views on this issue in a recent
\ninterview with The Jakarta Post.<\/p>\n
Question: Even though you are a close friend of President B.J.
\nHabibie, as you once claimed, you are still able to criticize
\nhim, saying that his government is similar to that of former
\npresident Soeharto. Doesn't this sound un-Indonesian?<\/p>\n
Mangunwijaya: During the New Order, anyone criticizing the
\ngovernment was regarded as its enemy. This should not be the case
\nnow. During the revolution era after the declaration of the
\ncountry's independence (in 1945), rivals in politics could
\nsustain their friendships (even though they criticized each
\nother).<\/p>\n
Q: Does the mounting criticism reflect the Habibie government's
\nmore democratic nature?<\/p>\n
M: No. This is due more to the improvement of the people's
\ncourage to be outspoken, not the government's drift toward more
\ndemocracy. The government has been forced to give better chances
\nto the people due to their strong demands.<\/p>\n
The establishment of an opposition in its real sense is only
\npossible if the government were to introduce a fair-play
\ndemocratic system, while the people are intelligent and rational
\nin criticizing the government. The fact is that people are
\nemotional and not intelligent, while the government does not
\nintroduce fair play and even engineers a confused political
\nsituation by denying reports on gang rapes, for example. An
\nopposition movement based on a national consensus for the
\ninterest of the public, therefore, is an impossible occurrence.<\/p>\n
Q: Is the government the one to create a conducive environment
\nfor a healthy opposition culture?<\/p>\n
M: Such an environment should be created by both the government
\nand the people because fascist practices are thus far conducted
\nnot only by the government but also by other parties wanting to
\nforce their will through violence. However, the government must
\nstart by giving examples.<\/p>\n
Q: How would you describe the current condition?<\/p>\n
M: Our current civilization, marked by five phenomena, is
\nactually the same as that of one century ago, in 1898. So, today,
\nwe actually still live in that year.<\/p>\n
The five phenomena are the feudalism of the indigenous people;
\nthe implementation of the Dutch colonial economic system, such as
\nthe coercion to plant certain agricultural commodities; the
\nintroduction of political engineering based on the Japanese
\nmilitary's dual-function concept; the high dependency on foreign
\ncapital; and the one which I seldom bring forward, the reign of a
\ncenturies-old Asian tradition of intimidation, including banditry
\nand thuggery, locally known as gentho, kecu or now premanism.
\nThese phenomena have cast a negative image on our state ideology
\nPancasila.<\/p>\n
Q: How should we escape from such a condition?<\/p>\n
M: The younger generation must be given the opportunity to change
\nthe condition because the Generation of 1945 (freedom fighters)
\nwill never be able to carry out this task. Each generation, such
\nas the generation of Ki Hajar Dewantara, Wahidin and Sukarno, has
\nits own task.<\/p>\n
Q: But aren't we moving toward democracy?<\/p>\n
M: So far, we still have no opposition movement in the real
\nsense. What we see now are angry people, including those involved
\nin the so-called Barisan Nasional (National Front) opposition
\ngroup.<\/p>\n
But, both the government and the people are transforming
\nthemselves from fascism to democracy. The people actually have
\nstarted the transformation and the government, therefore, must
\nshow a positive response, so that both of them can go hand in
\nhand to end fascist practices, such as violence and terrorism.<\/p>\n
Q: Talking about the present government, do you think the Habibie
\ngovernment is populist or weak?<\/p>\n
M: Habibie is not populist. He looks sure to have the competence
\nto manage the nation. If sovereignty is still far from the
\npeople, don't just blame Habibie because all of us are also
\ntaking part in the mistakes.<\/p>\n
As fascists, we have a tendency to find a scapegoat and blame
\nthe government. Each of us, including the government, must start
\nabolishing fascist practices.<\/p>\n
Q: You once proposed that Indonesia adopt a federal system. How
\nabout the state ideology of Pancasila?<\/p>\n
M: We can sustain Pancasila, which was introduced by our founding
\nfathers, as our basic philosophy.<\/p>\n
What if a certain state of the proposed federation wants to
\nemphasize its own characteristics; Islam for Aceh, for example?<\/p>\n
That does not matter, as long as there is no first-class or
\nsecond-class citizenship.<\/p>\n
But before introducing a federal system, we must acknowledge
\nthat such a system will remain under the concept of a united,
\nintegralistic country. Many people, apparently influenced by the
\nDutch colonial concept of federalism, have a misconception that a
\nfederal country is nonintegralistic.<\/p>\n
Our new concept of federalism should be oriented to anticipate
\ndevelopments in the 21st century.<\/p>\n
Q: What advantages will federalism offer?<\/p>\n
M: Federalism will reinvigorate citizens in all parts of the
\ncountry to develop their own regions because they will no longer
\nfeel marginalized. Each member state will become a center of its
\nown.<\/p>\n
Under a federal system, there will be no way for officials to
\nget involved in corrupt, collusive and nepotistic practices to
\ntransfer regional natural resources to the central government.
\nEducated people also will no longer be interested in migrating to
\nJakarta or Java because they will have the vigor to develop their
\nown territories.<\/p>\n
Q: What if such a proposal is opposed by Java residents?<\/p>\n
M: Federalism will reduce the opportunities of those living in
\nJakarta and Java to get involved in corrupt, collusive and
\nnepotistic practices. The growth of prosperity in Java is also
\nlikely to slow down. But the welfare of the other areas will
\nimprove swiftly. How could the Java residents, who have enjoyed
\nprosperity for over 50 years, refuse to sacrifice a little for
\nthe sake of the welfare improvement of their fellow countrymen in
\nother regions.<\/p>\n
Q: How should we formulate the federal concept?<\/p>\n
M: The formulation of technical matters, such as the laws on
\npolitics, must be conducted by an independent team trusted by all
\nmembers of the society, including the Armed Forces, the
\nbureaucracy and the general public.<\/p>\n
If such a job were left to (minister of home affairs) Syarwan
\nHamid, everything would be in jeopardy because nobody would trust
\nhim.<\/p>\n
Q: How should we start on the road toward federalism?<\/p>\n
M: We can start by holding a general election to elect members of
\na constituent assembly, not members of the House of
\nRepresentatives\/People's Consultative Assembly. The proposed
\nconstituent assembly will be assigned to formulate a new
\nconstitution, to determine the fate of the Armed Forces' dual
\n(political-military) function and to lead a transitional process
\ntoward the implementation of federalism.<\/p>\n
The concept on, and the process toward, the establishment of a
\nfederation should not be made in a hurry. Everything must be
\ndiscussed thoroughly in a cool atmosphere.<\/p>\n
We are lucky that discussing the possibility of introducing
\nfederalism is no longer taboo in the country.<\/p>\n
Q: Who should facilitate discussions on such an issue?<\/p>\n
M: I think we'd better let the younger generation take the
\ninitiative to hold discussions on the possible introduction of
\nfederalism in the country. The younger generation must formulate
\nits own concept on a new Indonesia and, therefore, must discuss
\nthe issue intelligently, not emotionally. The older generation
\nshould not try to force its ideas on the younger one.<\/p>\n
It would be good if a federation could be realized in 2008,
\n2028 or 2045 at the latest, referring to Indonesia's historical
\nyears. A revolution is never accomplished in one day. (23)<\/p>",
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