Malaysia's student ppolitics under the state's shadow<\/p>\n
P. Ramasamy, Professor, political science, Universiti Kebangsaan
\nMalaysia, The Straits Times, Asia News Network, Singapore<\/p>\n
The colossal war against terrorism seems not only to have
\ndented the role of the opposition political parties in Malaysia,
\nbut also weakened the links some of the opposition parties had
\nwith student bodies in the tertiary institutions.<\/p>\n
Student polls held last month resulted in pro-establishment
\nstudent bodies winning in eight of the total 14 tertiary
\ninstitutions.<\/p>\n
Nonetheless, the anti-establishment forces maintained their
\nhold in six of the more established universities.<\/p>\n
For all intents and purposes, student politics in the
\ninstitutions of higher learning is really about the conflict and
\ntension between the two dominant political parties -- United
\nMalays National Organization (UMNO) and Parti Islam SeMalaysia
\n(PAS).<\/p>\n
This conflict has come about due to a number of factors.<\/p>\n
The large intake of Malay students as a result of pro-Malay
\ngovernment policies. The presence of a quota system that favors
\nMalay students over non-Malays.The active role played by
\nuniversity administrations in ensuring Malay dominance, not only
\nin terms of student intake, but also in favoring the hiring of
\nMalay lecturers. The generous scholarships and loans provided to
\nassist Malay students in tertiary institutions.<\/p>\n
In other words, campus politics in the country is basically a
\nMalay affair.<\/p>\n
Non-Malays, despite their notable presence, have very little
\nenthusiasm to play a vigorous role in such activities.<\/p>\n
In fact, it is a truism that non-Malay students have become
\nquite alienated in the institutions.<\/p>\n
It is not that they do not take part in these activities but,
\nrather, they refrain from identifying strongly with activities
\nthat they think do not reflect their concerns and interests.<\/p>\n
Since politics in universities basically revolves around the
\nconflict between UMNO and PAS, non-Malay students (Chinese and
\nIndians) find it difficult to take a definitive political
\nposition.<\/p>\n
Non-Malay students' lack of interest in supporting groups
\naligned to UMNO or PAS provides the best indicator as to why
\nturnout during student elections ranges between only 40 and 60
\nper cent.<\/p>\n
This held true in the last elections, with the exception of
\none or two institutions where there was some kind of a directive
\nthat made it compulsory for students to cast their votes.<\/p>\n
The government is not very concerned about the lack of non-
\nMalay participation or how to promote racial integration in
\nuniversities, but rather about how it can ensure that students do
\nnot identify with the opposition.<\/p>\n
Following political independence, the government was concerned
\nabout students supporting the communist movement. In the early
\n1970s, there was fear that they might go astray mixing politics
\nwith their support for peasants and workers.<\/p>\n
It was this concern or fear that propelled the government to
\npass the Universities and University Colleges Act 1971 (UUCA 71)
\nto control and monitor student activities by giving near absolute
\npowers to the Minister of Education and those managing the
\naffairs of universities.<\/p>\n
The Act has been amended to further restrict and control
\nstudent activities.<\/p>\n
In the 1970s, several activists were arrested and detained
\nunder the Internal Security Act (ISA) for organizing student
\nprotests to support the demands of peasants in the state of
\nKedah.<\/p>\n
Among those who were arrested and detained was the former
\nDeputy Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim.<\/p>\n
While the ISA has not been frequently used to control student
\nactivities, the government finds it more convenient and less
\ncontroversial to use the UUCA 71 to ensure student compliance
\nwith the dictates of the regime.<\/p>\n
Along with other regulations, student activities in the
\ninstitutions have been monitored and controlled effectively.<\/p>\n
Although the regime has not been able to break the back of
\nthose who continue to support PAS, recent student polls indicate
\nthat there is more in store for students.<\/p>\n
There is a strong possibility that the government will soon
\nempower the administrations of the more established universities
\nto embark on a more systematic move to reduce student support for
\nPAS and at the same time allow UMNO to politicize students.<\/p>\n
As it is, there is little democracy for students in the public
\nuniversities. Their activities are subject to close scrutiny by
\nthe administrations.<\/p>\n
Student groups cannot invite speakers for seminars without the
\napproval of the university authorities.<\/p>\n
It would be impossible for student groups to invite members of
\nthe opposition parties.<\/p>\n
During polls, student groups cannot use the symbols of
\npolitical parties, they cannot give public speeches and the
\ncampaign time is restricted -- as is what can be displayed in
\nposters and leaflets.<\/p>\n
During the recent elections, some student bodies complained
\nthat the authorities in charge of overseeing the conduct of
\nelections had sided openly with groups that were pro-government.<\/p>\n
Opposition parties, non-governmental organizations and other
\ncivic- minded groups are concerned about the nature of political
\nparticipation in the country as a result of the Sept. 11 attacks
\nin the United States.<\/p>\n
There is general anxiety that the government might attempt to
\nreduce the scope for popular participation, not only in the
\nlarger society, but also in institutions of higher learning.<\/p>\n
Reduction in the scope for political participation might
\nbenefit the government in the short run, but it might rob society
\nof its internal dynamism and creativity in the long run.<\/p>",
"url": "https:\/\/jawawa.id\/newsitem\/malaysias-student-ppolitics-under-the-states-shadow-1447893297",
"image": ""
},
"sponsor": "Okusi Associates",
"sponsor_url": "https:\/\/okusiassociates.com"
}