Looking into the root causes of Papua problems<\/p>\n
Vidhyandika D Perkasa, Jakarta<\/p>\n
The recent \"intervention\" by the U.S. Congress concerning the
\nlegitimacy of Indonesia's sovereignty over the province of Papua
\ncannot be regarded as odd.<\/p>\n
Whatever the real intention behind this American move, we must
\nacknowledge that it indirectly has to do with our own inadequacy
\nin handling the Papuan problem. Despite the effort by the Jakarta
\ngovernment in granting Papua special autonomy, in reality
\npoverty, lack of education and a general state of backwardness
\nstill exist in that easternmost region of the country.<\/p>\n
Therefore, it is not very surprising if the Papuans are trying
\nto attract the attention of other countries for help. Through
\nintense lobbying and network-building those \"Papuan elites\" who
\nare far from satisfied with our management of Papua have been
\nsuccessful in bringing their homeland under the international
\nspotlight.<\/p>\n
The government has taken a defensive position in responding to
\nU.S. pressure. Some even wonder whether the American intervention
\nin fact poses a real threat. But this kind of threat really
\ndepends on the objective. If we regard as a threat those measures
\nleading to the division of Papua from Indonesia -- like in the
\ncase of East Timor -- then it will take a long time.<\/p>\n
In fact, the government of Indonesia feels quite confident
\nabout our situation in Papua. It also believes that the
\ncongressional initiative is not really a serious problem as it is
\ndriven by a very small minority. If the focus is the 'self
\ndetermination at the end of the 1960s, then the United Nations
\nhas already supported and legitimized Papua as an integral part
\nof Indonesia.<\/p>\n
Moreover, the Bush administration has been quick to state its
\npolitical support for a unified Indonesia.<\/p>\n
However, extra attention and more serious measures are needed
\nto avoid the accumulation of international support for Papua's
\nindependence.<\/p>\n
The threat of division is actually more real if we view it
\nfrom the local context. Foreign intervention could destabilize
\nthe situation in Papua because there are actually people in Papua
\nwho feel disillusioned with the development in their region. The
\nlatest American move gave them the message they had been waiting
\nfor in that their grievances received support from a big country.<\/p>\n
It is, therefore, important for the government of Indonesia to
\ninvest more time in determining why other countries still have
\nreason to question the situation in Papua. In other words,
\ndiplomacy alone is not enough as it only provides a \"transitory
\nsolution\".<\/p>\n
Now, how should we picture a more realistic socio-economic
\ncondition of Papua? Direct observation shows us that Papua is in
\nfact a region that has received only a minimal \"development
\ntouch\". It becomes more ironic as this province is very rich in
\nnatural resources. We can witness that the cities at the regency
\nlevel -- let us say, in the Baliem valley area -- are supported
\nwith sparse infrastructure. There is a lack of clean water
\nfacility, nearly daily power blackouts, waste can be seen
\neverywhere, while health care and education are only minimal.<\/p>\n
The condition becomes more frustrating if we are to witness
\nthe \"human\" aspect. Economic disparity seems glaring between the
\nlocal indigenous people and the migrant inhabitants -- \"the
\nnewcomers\". The indigenous Papuans believe that if they receive
\nthe same opportunities and equal treatment, they can also be as
\nsuccessful as the newcomers.<\/p>\n
In reality the Papuans have to pay tax, but can only sell
\ntheir goods on the side of the street, while the newcomers sell
\ntheir products in permanent shops. The Papuans can only sell
\nsmall amounts of commodities with a relatively low selling value,
\nlike vegetables and fruits. Inhabiting remote locations in the
\nmountain range, which depends on air transportation, the price of
\nstaple foods has become a heavy burden for the Papuans.<\/p>\n
The unemployment rate is very high. The dropout rate among
\nelementary and high-school students is also very high. Those few
\nwho are lucky enough to maintain their working spirit would do
\nwhatever possible to earn a living.<\/p>\n
There are some of us who think that the Papuans' miserable
\nconditions -- poverty, backwardness, ignorance -- are caused by
\ntheir own \"mentality\". The Papuans are seen as drunkards, lazy
\npeople, who love to gamble away their money. They are not capable
\nof planning for the future and are mostly spendthrifts.<\/p>\n
We should debate, however, whether that kind of \"mentality\"
\ndoes exist. Is it a natural trait of the Papuans, or has it
\nbecome \"a design for living\" or an adaptive strategy in society
\ndue to the scarcity of jobs?<\/p>\n
The time is ripe for the government to be more serious in
\ndealing with Papua's problems. Papua should not be managed only
\nthrough economic tools but also using socio-cultural means. The
\ncharacter and mentality of indigenous Papuans should be nurtured
\nafter being \"oppressed\" for decades.<\/p>\n
The special autonomy arrangement is the right formula upon
\nwhich the Papuans have pinned their hopes for a real change.
\nProblems arise when bad implementation causes them to feel that
\nthey are being tricked into this arrangement. For the Papuans,
\nlike all of us anywhere, a promise made is a promise kept.<\/p>\n
Once promises are left unfulfilled, the trust has been broken.
\nIt seems that right now there is mistrust between the Papuans and
\nthe government -- in Jakarta and in the province itself.<\/p>\n
Papua's problems are our own, not the problem of the U.S.
\nCongress. It is time for the Papuans and the government to find a
\nsolution to deal with the situation in Papua. This is no time to
\nblame or accuse each other of wrongdoings, but the time to build
\na solid partnership for the sake of this nation's integrity.<\/p>\n
The writer holds a PhD in Anthropology from Monash University,
\nAustralia. He is a researcher at the Centre for Strategic and
\nInternational Studies (CSIS), Jakarta and can be reached at
\nvidhyandika@csis.or.id.<\/p>",
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