Looking into terrorism in economic, social terms<\/p>\n
S.P. Seth
\nSydney<\/p>\n
Until very recently if anyone sought to understand and explain
\nterrorism in economic and social terms, he\/she was likely to be
\nbranded as a terrorism sympathizer by the U.S. and Australian
\nestablishments. Lately, though, economic and social deprivation
\nin Indonesia and elsewhere in predominantly Islamic societies is
\nstarting to be acknowledged as a contributing factor to
\nterrorism. Which is good as far as it goes. But it is still in
\nthe realm of rhetoric.<\/p>\n
However, economic deprivation in many Muslim countries is part
\nof a historical process with their religion considered as a major
\nfactor in their backwardness. There is, therefore, this emphasis
\non the moderate and extremist divide in Muslim societies. The
\nUnited States and other like-minded countries want to encourage
\nthe moderates among the Muslims. Many Muslims regard this with
\nsuspicion as an attempt to divide their communities to further
\nweaken Muslim societies.<\/p>\n
It might be called paranoia. But it has to be understood in
\nits context. For instance, Middle East is the heartland of
\nIslamic faith. This region was probably the most tolerant of its
\nJewish minorities before the creation of Israel. Indeed, it was
\nin Europe that the Jews underwent all sorts of programs and
\nperiodic ethnic cleansing, culminating in the Nazi holocaust of
\nthe World War II.<\/p>\n
And when they went looking for protection and refuge Europe
\nand America turned their back on them. They were encouraged to
\ncolonize the largely Arab Palestine as their long lost holy land,
\neven though its predominantly Arab people had nothing to do with
\ntheir exodus at the time.<\/p>\n
But the new state of Israel, in any case, was foisted on them
\nin 1948. The ramshackle armies of their Arab neighbors failed to
\nevict Israel, which used the occasion to drive out a large number
\nof Palestinians from their homeland and thus enlarge their new
\nstate. This is how the Palestinian refugee problem was created in
\nthe first place, and these people and their children are still
\nliving in camps and shanty towns in Palestine and elsewhere.<\/p>\n
The failure to thwart the creation of Israel was a terrible
\nhumiliation for the Arab people. And they, in large part, blamed
\nit on their rulers. This created the nationalist Arab upsurge
\nwhich, among other things, led Col. Gamal Abdul Nasser to
\noverthrow the monarchy in Egypt. President Nasser of Egypt came
\nto symbolize Arab nationalism.<\/p>\n
And his stocks rose when he successfully withstood joint
\nBritish\/French and Israeli invasion of his country after he
\nnationalized the Suez Canal in 1956.<\/p>\n
President Nasser became an Arab hero. He sought to foster pan-
\nArab sentiments across the region to unify the Arab lands. Israel
\ncame to fear an Arab invasion led by Egypt, leading it to launch
\na pre-emptive attack in 1967 which finished off Egypt's air force
\nneatly lined up on its airfields. Israel advanced deep into the
\nremnants of the old Palestine.<\/p>\n
The 1967 six days Israeli-Arab war was also the end of
\nPresident Nasser and his pan-Arabism. His successor, President
\nSadat, made another attempt in 1973 to avenge his country's
\nmilitary defeat but failed. He finally made bilateral peace with
\nIsrael in 1978, but paid the price with his life when he was
\nassassinated not long after.<\/p>\n
The Palestinian tragedy has become a symbol of humiliation for
\nthe Arab world. And they blame it on Israel, the United States
\nwhich has supported Israel, and their corrupt rulers who they see
\nas U.S. puppets. The humiliation of the Arab world, in turn, has
\nbecome the humiliation of the larger Muslim world. Mecca (in
\nSaudi Arabia), the birthplace of Prophet Muhammad, is the
\nspiritual home of the entire Islamic community.<\/p>\n
It is this religion which spread to large parts of Asia, with
\nIndonesia now having the largest Muslim population in the world.
\nAnd the Muslims around the world, including Indonesia, feel the
\nhumiliation of the Palestinians and the Arab people in general.
\nIslam enshrines a strong sense of communal brotherhood, reflected
\nin a shared sense of injustice for the Palestinians. It is not
\njust the poor among the Muslims, but many middle class and rich
\nMuslims who feel outraged.<\/p>\n
The Soeharto system, largely supported by the West, first,
\nbecause of the Cold War considerations and, second, because he
\nseemed to favor the capitalist system, came crashing at the first
\nwhiff of Asian economic crisis in 1997-1998.<\/p>\n
The democracy that has followed since 1998 doesn't seem to be
\nmaking much difference to the lives of the people in existential
\nterms. In the post-colonial period, the rich and powerful
\ncountries still control and dictate the way the poor should live.
\nAs a result, there is this pervasive sense of helplessness about
\nthe state of the world.<\/p>\n
It is this sense of helplessness (political, economic and
\nsocial) which makes people retreat into the simple world of
\nreligion with its faith and certitude. Therefore, a retreat into
\nIslam is emerging as an alternative system to deal with and solve
\nall sorts of insoluble problems. It is this lack of hope since
\nindependence in Indonesia (and replicated elsewhere), which is at
\nthe root of militancy and terrorism.<\/p>\n
The persistence and perpetuation of an unjust global system,
\nwith its consequent frustrations and utter helplessness, tends to
\ncreate a convergence of sorts between the poor and dispossessed
\nof the world across religious and political divide. But they are
\nnot all terrorists. They simply hanker for a better world.<\/p>\n
The author is a free-lance writer based in Sydney and can be
\nreached at SushilPSeth@aol.com<\/p>",
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