Looking critically at RI's ventures into democracy<\/p>\n
Meretas Jalan Demokrasi (Trailblazing the road of democracy);
\nDadang Juliantara;
\nForeword by Mansour Fakih;
\nKanisius, Yogyakarta, 1998;
\n191 pp, Rp 18,500<\/p>\n
YOGYAKARTA (JP): In this book, Dadang attempts to examine the
\nprocess of democratization at the economic and political levels.
\nDadang turns a critical eye on the mechanisms of democracy, and
\non the roadblocks that stand in the way of a more profound
\ndemocracy in Indonesia.<\/p>\n
Among prodemocracy and press activists, particularly in
\nYogyakarta, Dadang, a graduate of Gadjah Mada University, is a
\nfamiliar figure. He is known as an activist concerned with the
\nfate of this nation, particularly with respect to those who are
\npowerless against an authoritarian government.<\/p>\n
The writer is an activist in several non-governmental
\norganizations in Yogyakarta, and a productive columnist.<\/p>\n
Trailblazing is evidence of Dadang's great concern for
\nIndonesia. It is an invitation for us to reflect on economic and
\npolitical democratization, which seems to have deviated from its
\noriginal goal of popular sovereignty.<\/p>\n
This book emphasizes that democracy is not only important to
\ndiscuss but also to fight for. The reason for this is that
\ndemocracy, in some circles, is seen as nothing more than a tool
\nused by power holders to legitimize their power. Therefore,
\ndemocracy in this sense has degenerated into a mechanism of
\nhegemony. Democracy is no longer considered a principle by which
\nthe people are positioned as decision makers.<\/p>\n
This reversion of the meaning of democracy is discussed in
\ndetail in the chapter titled Perizinan dan Paradigma Kontrol
\n(Licensing and the Paradigm of Control, pp 130-133).<\/p>\n
Dadang notes that to control mass assemblies, the state, in
\n1995, issued a Joint Decree of the Minister of Home Affairs and
\nthe Minister of Defense and Security No. 153\/1995 and No.
\nKep\/2\/XII\/1995 on a Guideline for the Implementation of Licensing
\nand Notifications.<\/p>\n
The guidelines contain detailed clauses on licensing, matters
\nof which the public usually has little knowledge. It is said, for
\nexample, that private activities do not require a license, while
\npolitical meetings with limited participants require notification
\nof the authorities. A license will be needed for an activity that
\nwill involve many people.<\/p>\n
Dadang maintains that this is where problems arise for
\ndemocracy. First, the implementation guideline is drawn up with
\nreference to Article 510 of the Criminal Code (a colonial legal
\nproduct) and Law No. 5 PNPS\/1963 (the legacy of the \"Guided
\nDemocracy\" era), neither of which is in tune with the present
\nsocial developments.<\/p>\n
Also, the presence of this implementation guideline actually
\nshows that state control covers not only physical areas but also
\nthe ideas of the people.<\/p>\n
The essence of a model of control using non-coercive means
\n(ideological subjugation) is the establishment of the public's
\ncommitment and loyalty to various regulations and procedures
\nstipulated by the state. In this respect, the state lays a strong
\nclaim that the people constitute a part or an object of the state
\nand not the other way round.<\/p>\n
Another interesting aspect of the above-mentioned
\nimplementation guideline is that through regulation the state is
\nindirectly making the community part of the bureaucracy. The
\nrelationship between the people and the state is in practice one
\nof subordination.<\/p>\n
The book discusses political and economic problems, such as
\nthe increase in the number of landless farmers from 1973 to 1980.
\nThe number of landless farmers rose from some 490,000 in 1975 to
\nsome 2 million in 1980. While in August 1982, that number rose
\nfrom 6.6 million people to 11 million people.<\/p>\n
One of the political problems faced by the country is the
\nstate's arrogance, which has been shown in mass media bannings,
\nrestricting the number of political organizations to three and
\nrejecting opposition parties.<\/p>\n
According to Dadang, all of these examples simply show that
\nthe word \"democracy\", which has been claimed as part of our
\nsystem of government, has undergone an incredible semantic
\nreversal.<\/p>\n
Mansour Fakih reveals in his foreword that what is understood
\nas democracy at present is none other than liberal democracy, or
\ndevelopment as it is known in the Third World.<\/p>\n
Adherents to liberal democracy generally believe that
\ndemocracy and development will support each other. In fact, Fakih
\nargues, liberal democracy has four main flaws.<\/p>\n
Firstly, it cannot solve problems related to socioeconomic
\ngaps. Secondly, it does not give room to party pluralism as a
\nconsequence of the hegemony exercised by a particular political
\nparty. Also, it has procedural constraints to popular
\nparticipation in decision making, particularly with respects to
\ndecisions directly related to the well-being of the people.
\nLastly, it is plagued with the frequent application of a double
\nstandard to those holding power.<\/p>\n
So, adherents of liberal democracy chant the slogan of the
\npromotion of the principles of liberty and human rights only as
\nfar as this will benefit capitalism.<\/p>\n
Therefore, Fakih proposes a model for the pursuit of
\ndemocracy.<\/p>\n
He proposes that for a more profound democracy, in respect to
\nformal institutions, that there must be a reaching out to the
\nsociopolitical structures and processes in society. For example,
\nan introduction of a \"civilian outlook to the military\" or
\nholding a multi-party general election, coupled with the
\nintroduction of transformation into the entire social order.<\/p>\n
In respect to the layers of society, especially those who have
\nbeen set aside or marginalized, democracy must be focused not
\nonly on the distribution of income but also on the mechanism of
\nequal rights for minority, ethnic, religious and ideological
\ngroups, and the human rights of women, children, senior citizens,
\nfarmers and all other groups.<\/p>\n
Democratization in this aspect will not take place only in a
\nparticular political system, but it will also be found outside
\nthe existing system, in the form of the right to self-
\ndetermination.<\/p>\n
Lastly, democratization must take place not only at the
\ngovernment and state level, but also in schools, organizations,
\nfamilies and the daily lives of the people. In other words, the
\nprocess of democratization will not involve only the state, but
\nit must also take place within the civil society.<\/p>\n
This can be done by questioning all forms and concepts of
\npower, for example, the relationships between superiors and a
\nsubordinates and the gender aspects of male and female.<\/p>\n
Written in simple language, the book makes good reading and is
\nrecommended for anyone pursuing reforms and struggling to win
\nsovereignty back for the people.<\/p>\n
-- Celes Reda<\/p>\n
The reviewer is student at Yogyakarta Institute of Agriculture,
\nand an enthusiast of social sciences.<\/p>",
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