Local elections: An opportunity for graft<\/p>\n
Adnan Topan Husodo, Jakarta<\/p>\n
Various studies on election-related graft practices show that
\nin general there are four kinds of irregularities practiced by
\nelection candidates and political parties. As these four kinds of
\ngraft are found before and during election time, it is very
\nlikely that they will also be found during the direct election of
\nthe heads of local government.<\/p>\n
Election-related graft is often referred to as money politics.
\nMoney politics has a broader meaning because it can be practiced
\non occasions other than elections. In legal terminology, money
\npolitics is referred to as bribery, which is considered a
\ncriminal act.<\/p>\n
The first kind of graft is better known as seat buying, an act
\nin which the candidates wishing to serve as members of the House
\nof Representatives or regional legislative councils use money and
\nconnections to gain a seat.<\/p>\n
These practices will find fertile ground if political parties
\nare allowed to determine who will be the candidates for public
\noffice, leaving, therefore, no room for independent candidates to
\ntake part. These practices will be rife especially if the
\nmechanism for the general elections inside a political party, for
\nexample a party convention, does not give an opportunity to the
\npublic (the constituents) to be involved in the decision-making
\nprocess.<\/p>\n
The second kind of election graft is known as influence
\nbuying, where a candidate or party "buys" certain community
\nfigures such as religious leaders, traditional elders and other
\ninformal leaders to influence the voters in determining their
\npolitical preferences. In a situation in which the general
\nelections are conducted directly, as will be the case in the
\nforthcoming election of heads of municipalities, regencies and
\nprovinces, influence buying will be more effective than vote
\nbuying.<\/p>\n
There are at least two reasons for this.<\/p>\n
First, in a direct election, there will not be a single method
\nthat can be used to ascertain the loyalty of a voter to the party
\nthat pays him or her. Second, culturally, there is a deep bond
\nbetween the community and local figures.<\/p>\n
The third form is called electoral administrative corruption,
\nwhere a candidate or a political party tries to influence the
\nelection process and result by bribing election organizers. It
\nstarts from the level of villages, districts, regencies and so
\nforth. Election supervisors are asked to multiplying the number
\nof voters, including fake ballot papers or manipulating vote
\ncounting.<\/p>\n
The fourth practice is vote buying and this is the most
\nfamiliar of all graft practices in connection with general
\nelections. This is done by candidates or a political party to
\ninfluence voters by giving them money or assistance.<\/p>\n
The legislative and presidential elections last year show that
\nthere was a lot of vote buying, starting from the distribution of
\ndoor prizes, gasoline coupons for the masses taking part in
\nelections campaigns, or cash.<\/p>\n
Perhaps, in the scope of corruption in general elections, the
\nparties must be watched over because they are likely to be
\ninvolved in irregularities when their candidates are incumbent
\npoliticians or currently serving as public officials.<\/p>\n
Incumbent regional leaders will enjoy the benefit of being
\nable not only to gain access to local financial sources or the
\nregional budget but also to use their authority to allocate a
\nbudget to ensure that they will win the election.<\/p>\n
The sudden introduction of populist programs in villages, such
\nas road making, the establishment of places for religious
\nservices, the free distribution of basic necessities or the free
\ndistribution of seedlings to farmers just before a gubernatorial
\nelection should raise suspicion. Public funds may have been spent
\non efforts to make sure that a certain candidate will win the
\nelection.<\/p>\n
In addition, incumbent politicians also enjoy ample
\nopportunities and authority to influence the independence of the
\ncommittee organizing the election.<\/p>\n
Although in practice, the local government elections are
\norganized by a Regional General Elections Commission (KPUD), the
\nKPUD is not accountable to the General Elections Commission
\n(KPU), which oversees a KPUD. Instead the KPUD is accountable to
\nthe regional legislative assembly, a fact that allows pressure,
\nintimidation, manipulation and no guarantee of independence on
\nthe part of the election organizers.<\/p>\n
It must be borne in mind that the four kinds of election-
\nrelated corruption as explained above involve spending.
\nMeanwhile, there are corruption practices involving income,
\nusually in the form of capital intervention by certain interest
\ngroups. These groups will fund certain political activities,
\ncandidates or political parties in an election to ensure their
\ncandidates or parties' victory.<\/p>\n
This capital intervention will be considered bribery only if
\nit is conducted illegally and the funds come from an illegal
\nsource, violating, therefore, the prevailing laws.<\/p>\n
Indeed, Government Regulation No. 6\/2005 on the election,
\nlegalization of the appointment and dismissal of regional heads
\nand deputy regional heads, particularly Articles 65 to 69,
\nregulates campaign funds for candidates. This regulation
\nstipulates a limit on donations, the sources of campaign funds
\npermitted, the obligation to account for how campaign funds are
\nspent and a restriction on receiving campaign funds from certain
\nsources.<\/p>\n
However, election graft, viewed in terms of the spending and
\nincome, may still take place. This is especially so because the
\nfindings of alleged crimes in general elections, particularly
\nthose related to corruption, have never been thoroughly
\ninvestigated by law enforcers.<\/p>\n
The writer is member of working board of Indonesian Corruption
\nWatch (ICW).<\/p>",
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