Lessons Susilo can learn from Koizumi's victory<\/p>\n
H.S. Dillon, Jakarta<\/p>\n
Welcome home, Mr. President. Although many would argue that
\nthere was no need to be in New York last week, the world at least
\ngot an agreement to move forward in lock-step on some issues.
\nThere are some of us, however, who had hoped that your current
\nCabinet members would have enough gravitas to engage large
\nforeign creditors and negotiate a phased debt-reduction.<\/p>\n
We are not just another developing country, we are fast
\nbecoming the world's third-most populous democracy. We have the
\nlargest Muslim community, with a moderate in majority rule. Given
\nproper governance, we could become a strong force for prosperity
\nand peace in the region.<\/p>\n
A number of us are convinced that we could drive a \"Grand
\nBargain\", wherein a performance-based debt reduction formula is
\naccepted. The periodic assessments would encompass progress made
\nin 1) corruption eradication, 2) environmental conservation, 3)
\npoverty alleviation, 4) containing terrorism, and 5) promoting
\nhuman rights. Surely, the democratic world would provide
\ndividends for such commitment. But that will have to wait for
\nanother time now.<\/p>\n
Although your hectic schedule in New York precluded a tete-a-
\ntete with Japanese Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi, let us try
\nto take a few lessons away from Koizumi's epic victory over the
\nanti-reformers in his country. Upon assuming office in 2001 he
\nhad vowed to reform Japan, even though it could mean destroying
\nthe LDP, his own party. This party's bosses across many factions
\nhad been responsible for the poor governance, viz-a-vis their
\npork-barreling in huge construction contracts. Although Koizumi
\nmanaged to push through some reforms, entrenched interests who
\nhad thwarted his predecessors posed a constant threat.<\/p>\n
You are coming home to face two pressing issues: The declining
\nrupiah and burgeoning fuel subsidies. Why is there great anxiety
\namong your supporters, and the populace at large? It is because
\nthey would like to see you deliver?<\/p>\n
Ever since the bad governance, born out of collusion between
\nthose in office and the conglomerates, triggered the financial
\ncrisis, one leader after another has failed to keep their
\npromises. Hopes have been repeatedly dashed. When you ran for
\nPresident, despite the fact that you did not have any political
\nbase to speak of, you defeated the incumbent, the leader of a
\nvery big party. Why? Because, in plain language, she had
\nsquandered the trust the people had placed in her.<\/p>\n
As the \"biological daughter\" of Bung Karno, they had expected
\nher to fight for the \"marhaen\", the small people. They thought
\nshe would not hesitate to menjebol-membangun, or oversee a form
\nof creative destruction to transform \"extractive institutions\"
\npreying on the poor into \"representative institutions\" fighting
\nfor the people. They had hoped she would be inspired by her
\nfather, and lead us toward trisakti (the three powers), wherein
\nthe nation would be sovereign, self-sufficient, and of character.<\/p>\n
Alas, the Ibu turned into an imperial president, traveling
\nand partying most of the time. You, meanwhile, emerged as a
\nwarrior, promising fundamental -- but orderly -- change. In
\ndesperation, the people turned to you, and prayed that you would
\nsurmount all obstacles.<\/p>\n
To the layman, you now appear to be fettered by home-grown
\n\"vested interests\". Elected legislators and appointed officials
\nfrom the corporate sector surrounding you are suspect. By the
\npublic they are seen -- correctly -- as being part of the
\nSoeharto regime's last phase -- which spawned all the KKN, or bad
\ngovernance. They have walked away unscathed, indeed have risen to
\nsuch heights that would have never been possible for them under
\nSoeharto.<\/p>\n
They are striding like a colossus upon the \"lesser-than-human
\nbeings\" that millions of our impoverished have been reduced to.
\nIt is obvious that impunity has allowed the anti-reformers to
\nretain their ill-gotten gains and use politics to further
\nlegitimize their releases and discharges. I am sure you realize
\nthat such blatant unfairness is inimical to our democracy.<\/p>\n
Under such daunting circumstances, what options do you have?
\nBorrow a page from Koizumi. He is a prime minister -- accountable
\nto parliament, not a president elected directly by the people.
\nHis entrenched interests underestimated him, just as ours are
\nmisinterpreting your decency as a sign of weakness.<\/p>\n
They have forgotten that without the support of any major
\nparty, you mounted a challenge against your own president. Your
\nsupporters know that it was more a sense of duty -- to discharge
\nyour debts to the republic, rather than a mere desire for power
\nper se, that provided you the moral courage.<\/p>\n
Koizumi picked an issue that, although it was removed from the
\nimmediate well-being of the average Japanese, put a face on those
\nopposed to reform -- all who had been blocking progress. When
\nthey teamed up with the opposition to vote against him, Koizumi
\ncalled their bluff and fired them.<\/p>\n
His call for elections was believed by many as suicidal.
\nHowever, decent, hard-working citizens, all the way from captains
\nof sunrise industries to celebrities, hastened to his cause.
\nTogether, in partnership, they reached out to the voters. Their
\nconcerns resonated with the desire to build a cleaner and
\nstronger Japan in the hearts of the electorate. They handed him a
\nvictory nobody would have even dared dream of.<\/p>\n
You can do this! The issue is oil-smuggling, a practice that
\nhas been going on for decades. I am sure that this is being
\nsustained by powerful forces. Even the current Pertamina chief
\nexecutive is calling for the arrest of the \"big fish\" rather than
\nthe \"small fry\". Arrest all the suspects, impound all their --
\nand their families\" -- wealth, and seek their early conviction.<\/p>\n
I am sure that your Chief of Police, your Attorney General
\nalong with the Tipikor team, and the independent leadership of
\nthe KPK (Anti-Corruption Commission) will give you their full
\nsupport. Blow the lid on Pertamina and the house of cards erected
\nby the anti-reformers will come tumbling down. This will
\nsnowball, and before you can say \"Jiminy Cricket\" all those
\nenjoying impunity will be behind bars.<\/p>\n
This new legal certainty will strengthen the rupiah. Once they
\nsee their oppressors in jail, and the holy month of Ramadhan
\nobserved without undue hardship, the people will be better
\ndisposed towards fuel price hikes. Once domestic prices
\napproximate world prices, incentives for smuggling will erode. A
\nclear-cut long term energy policy should further encourage
\ninvestment.<\/p>\n
With many of the anti-reformers disgraced, you should have a
\nfree hand in forming your own Cabinet. One that is really
\ndedicated to helping deliver your promises. Will the legislature
\ngive you a hard time? Not if you communicate directly with the
\npeople. Translate your initiatives into language they understand.
\nExplain patiently how your proposed policies will impact upon
\nthem and their children. Surveys have already shown that they
\nstill trust you more than anyone else. Let the anti-reform party
\nbosses face them.<\/p>\n
In a different institutional and cultural context, Koizumi has
\nrooted out the anti-reformers. As Koizumi invoked the bushido
\nspirit to take the path of the warrior, so can you draw upon the
\nsemangat bamboo runcing that fired our lance-wielding freedom
\nfighters into routing the fully-armed colonial forces. Act now,
\nMr. President, the people are with you.<\/p>\n
The writer is executive director of the Partnership for
\nGovernance Reform in Indonesia.<\/p>",
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