Learning to lose with dignity<\/p>\n
Although the final result from the polls is yet to come, the
\npolitical elite seem to be already involved in negotiations.
\nPolitical analyst J. Soedjati Djiwandono casts a light on the
\nphenomenon.<\/p>\n
JAKARTA (JP): Since the election, there seems to be a growing
\ngap between the political elite and the people at large. People
\nhope and expect change for the better, encompassing the
\npolitical, social and economical life of the country, that is,
\nreform.<\/p>\n
On the other hand, among the political elite, reform seems to
\nhave been forgotten. Political party leaders are more preoccupied
\nwith the problem of coalitions, particularly in the face of the
\npresidential election, the technicality of which is beyond
\ncomprehension to the people at large.<\/p>\n
Since before the election, the political parties in Indonesia
\nwere divided roughly between status quo and reform forces. And
\npeople had some idea of which was which. Now, however, it's
\ndoubtful if anyone really has a clear idea.<\/p>\n
The changing positions and attitudes of the leaders of what
\nhave been generally regarded as being among the main forces of
\nreform have since then continued to be bewildering.<\/p>\n
The meetings held separately between Gus Dur, Amien Rais,
\nHamzah Haz and Nur Mahmudi over last weekend, was a debacle. That
\ndoes it! Party leaders have been not only confusing, but they
\nhave also been just as confused.<\/p>\n
Faced with what has appeared to be unexpected defeat, and
\nburned by their own personal ambitions, they have succeeded only
\nin showing their uncertain commitment to democratic principles
\nand to democratic reform. Amien Rais said we must prevent the
\nsituation from developing into an \"either-or\" issue.<\/p>\n
How else, though, as far as the presidential election is
\nconcerned, is this possible in a democratic system? Would we want
\nto go back to the days when we only had a single candidate for
\npresident?<\/p>\n
The hypothesis that supporters of Megawati would not accept it
\nunless she is elected president, and the other way round for many
\n\"Islamic movements\", as Gus Dur put it, is unfounded. It is
\ntendentious and seditious, and it may be a self-fulfilling
\nprophecy.<\/p>\n
Coming from Gus Dur today though, such a remark may not hold
\nwater. His enigmatic statements and behavior for the past few
\nyears may well have confounded even those close to him. The
\nphenomenon may have damaged his reputation and credibility.
\nUntil shortly before the meetings, Gus Dur had continued to
\ncreate the impression that he himself was so determined to be
\npresident.<\/p>\n
The same seems true with Amien Rais, although he was never as
\nsure as Gus Dur. He had long before declared his candidacy for
\npresident. But in light of his poor showing at the elections, he
\nrealized it was not his time. Nonetheless, just the day before,
\nhe was reported he decided to join the presidential race again.<\/p>\n
In regards to Hamzah Haz, his threat of his United Development
\nParty (PPP) would not join the government should Megawati be
\nelected president may not carry weight. How could he be sure his
\nparty would be invited to join a Megawati-led government anyway?<\/p>\n
However, credit is due to Nur Mahmudi of the Justice Party
\n(PK), whose remarks were the most sensible. He may be unduly
\nconcerned though, over the possibility of an ideological split or
\npolarization. Indeed, this phenomenon has more or less
\ncharacterized Indonesian politics from the beginning. This time,
\nhowever, the split may have been true for the Muslim community
\nitself in particular.<\/p>\n
The ruling of the Indonesian Council of Ulema (MUI) and
\nwarnings by various Muslim leaders on the gender issue seem to
\nhave been ignored by many Muslims.<\/p>\n
Megawati has often been criticized for her silence. But she
\nhas remained silent in spite of the impressive showing of her
\nparty. She has shown her magnanimity in victory. She also proved
\nherself strong and resilient under pressure and adverse
\nconditions, in the face of defeat, continuous persecution and
\nhumiliation under the New Order regime. Yet she has not lost her
\ndignity and integrity.<\/p>\n
Some have suggested she should make the move now, approaching
\nsome other political parties for possible coalitions. But how
\ncould she do that in light of the fact that even after her
\nelection victory, she has continued to be persecuted, now on
\ngrounds of her gender, and even in effect by leaders of the
\nNation Awakening Party (PKB) and the National Mandate Party
\n(PAN), the most likely partners in a coalition. The repeated
\nassurances by Gus Dur of his \"personal\" support serve only to
\nemphasize his ambivalence.<\/p>\n
So how can she do it when even her most likely allies join the
\nfervor in blocking her way, directly or otherwise, to the
\npresidency?<\/p>\n
Worse still, how can she do that with people who are not only
\njittery about her chances of her presidency, but each of whom
\nseem to be so determined to be president themselves?<\/p>\n
Interestingly, they seem to forget that Megawati has been set
\nfor a presidential nomination for a long time. Yet only now,
\nafter her victorious showing, have they expressed their
\nindecisive and confusing view on her possible presidency on
\ngrounds of gender. In so doing, they have only shown they are yet
\nto learn to lose with grace.<\/p>\n
There is no need to seek the so-called third alternative. The
\nnomination of any presidential candidate outside the political
\nparties that have contested the election, especially the winning
\none, would be a mockery of the elections.<\/p>",
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