Leadership changes and challenges<\/p>\n
Kavi Chongkittavorn
\nThe Nation
\nAsia News Network
\nBangkok<\/p>\n
This will be an extraordinary year for Southeast Asia. With
\nmany countries holding elections, changes of leadership are to be
\nexpected. Those leaders who are already in place are still
\nuntested.<\/p>\n
Obviously, the transitional situation in the region will help
\ndefine the kind of leadership people are yearning for. Certainly,
\nof all these new leaders, there will be one or two that catch the
\npublic imagination. Will they be the same as Lee Kuan Yew,
\nMahathir Mohamad and Soeharto, all strong leaders who set the
\nagenda for their followers? These leaders all had the same mantra
\nof economic prosperity being the ultimate goal.<\/p>\n
Will the new leaders follow the style of their predecessors or
\ntake a different route by becoming more democratic and espousing
\nuniversal values such as human rights?<\/p>\n
Given the region's diversity, especially in terms of political
\nsystems and ideologies, leadership styles are plentiful. The
\nregion is indeed a miniature political jamboree: It has political
\ninstitutions based on democracy, semi-democracy, absolute
\nmonarchy, constitutional monarchy, socialism, semi-socialism and
\ndictatorship.<\/p>\n
With such a broad political spectrum, the only thing that has
\nheld the countries in the region together has been the desire to
\npromote economic cooperation. All countries in the region have
\ncome under one roof known as Asean, hoping that their economic
\nwell-being will improve through collective action and bargaining.
\nThey have cooperated politically, but so far avoided anything
\nthat would diminish the grouping's principle of non-interference.<\/p>\n
As such, the region's leaders are very much left to do their
\nown thing, without peer pressure. Not surprisingly, Southeast
\nAsia has been used to long-ruling and iron-fisted leaders. Before
\npeople's power erupted in the Philippines, former president
\nFerdinand Marcos reigned supreme. Both Lee Kuan Yew and Mahathir
\nMohamad chose to step down and passed on the baton to the next
\ngeneration of leaders.<\/p>\n
In Singapore, Lee's successor Prime Minister Goh Chok Tong is
\nexpected to pass on leadership to Lee Hsien Loong this year,
\ndepending on the state of the economy. Goh has said that it would
\nunfair to his successor if he leaves his position during economic
\nrecession. As this process takes place, public feedback in the
\nisland republic shows a yearning for more openness in public and
\npolitical space. They want a Singapore that is kinder and
\ngentler.<\/p>\n
In a strange way, new Malaysian Prime Minister Abdullah Badawi
\nhas been able to display this sentiment. His non-confrontational,
\nconciliatory style, soft-spoken words and manners have already
\nwon kudos from the region. His visit to several Asean countries
\nin the past week has already distinguished him from the rest of
\nSoutheast Asia's leaders.<\/p>\n
During his one-day visit to Thailand last week, he came across
\nas a breath of fresh air. His willingness to listen and his
\nability to articulate bilateral issues have won praise from the
\nThai media. Suddenly, his three-month-old charisma is being
\ncompared to Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra's three-year-old
\nleadership.<\/p>\n
Thaksin's leadership style is the most problematic due to his
\npersonality and the ways he exercises his power. In the past
\nthree years, he has employed strong state-control measures in all
\nspheres of our lives -- economic, political and social. He has
\nignored the constitutional framework and silenced critics.<\/p>\n
Thaksin has what experts would describe as a transactional
\nleadership style. A leader with this quality knows how to make
\ndeals and practice horse-trading with great efficiency. He makes
\ndecisions based on his own intuition and confidence. A
\ntransactional leader believes that he is the savior of his
\nnation.<\/p>\n
But such a leadership style commands fear rather than respect
\nbecause it lacks the much-needed interchange between leader and
\nfollowers. Subordinates dare not reveal their true opinions. It
\nis the \"emperor's new clothes\" syndrome.<\/p>\n
The prime minister's strength comes mainly from the absolute
\nauthority he possesses. He can command Cabinet members, police,
\nsoldiers and bureaucrats without dissent on the issues of the
\nday. Normally, the ranks obeyed their superiors; now, the prime
\nminister is the \"super commander\".<\/p>\n
As democracies burgeon and grow in strength, citizens might
\nnot want to be bossed about. Even Singaporeans and Malaysians
\nwant their societies to be more open so that they can take a more
\nactive role in participatory democracy.<\/p>\n
Both Indonesians and Filipinos value their hard-won democracy
\nand will move forward with their multi-party system. Whoever wins
\nthe elections in Indonesia and the Philippines, they must
\nconvince their people that democracy will bring freedom,
\nprosperity and stability.<\/p>\n
Certainly, Thailand will be a test case. After three decades
\nof democratic struggle, it is the only country that is currently
\ngoing backward in its democratic aspirations.<\/p>\n
During the height of democracy in 1997, which was epitomized
\nby the drafting of the new people's charter and a free press, the
\nThai economy collapsed and shattered the hearts of all democratic
\naspirants. Three years into the crisis, they became
\ndisenfranchised and more unaffiliated. As they turned inward and
\natomized, they looked for some strong guidance in their lives.
\nThis is precisely the condition and state of mind that has helped
\nThaksin's rise to power.<\/p>\n
It will be sooner rather than later that the region will
\nfinally get to know whether its newly emerging regional leaders
\nare kinder or meaner.<\/p>",
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