'Knowledge revolution' transforms the world<\/p>\n
By Hilman Adil<\/p>\n
JAKARTA (JP): In foreign policy, the primary task of the
\npolicymaker is to articulate the country's external interests and
\norder them in some scheme of relative importance.<\/p>\n
They are, among others, first, self-preservation of physical
\nintegrity or unity. Second, independence or the relative freedom
\nfrom interference in what a country regards as its internal
\naffairs.<\/p>\n
These are two external interests that Indonesian foreign
\npolicy will increasingly have to deal with in the near future.<\/p>\n
The Indonesian sovereign state is facing increasing
\nchallenges. First, can the present political system withstand
\nchallenges to democratic government and the rule of law?<\/p>\n
Second, can any social consensus survive in the face of ethnic
\nor communal divisions, like in Aceh, Irian Jaya and Maluku?<\/p>\n
Third, the growing social and economic disparities caused by
\nthe monetary crisis and rising violence as a result of the
\nbreakdown of law.<\/p>\n
Fourth, concerns about the future definition of a national
\nidentity posed by the threat of disintegration.<\/p>\n
These concerns have led to uncertainty about the direction
\nwhich Indonesia will be taking, and doubts whether the
\ninstitutions, processes, concepts and myths that sustained the
\ninfant Republic and nation-building efforts in the formative
\nyears are still relevant.<\/p>\n
The evolving strategic and operational agenda, in light of the
\ndiminishing conventional external threat and the changed
\nstructure of international politics, enabling a \"unipolar\" world
\nand the \"knowledge revolution\" to emerge, has rendered the
\ntraditional security concept (ketahanan nasional) obsolete.<\/p>\n
Indonesian foreign policy-making has changed radically in the
\npast few years. There was East Timor, the Asian economic crisis
\nof 1997 to 1999 and the economic uncertainties of globalization,
\nto name but a few.<\/p>\n
But there is also a more subtle, and much less understood
\nphenomenon -- a profound normative shift in the relations between
\nnation-states. This essentially means a change in the previous
\nnorm of \"expected and required\" behavior at a particular time in
\nthe society of states.<\/p>\n
These international norms did not change much for 300 years
\nafter the Treaty of Westphalia (1648). Exceptions were the
\naddition of an antislavery norm in the 19th century and an anti-
\nimperial and colonial norm since the early 20th century .<\/p>\n
The change in international norms has increased rapidly,
\nespecially in the past decade.<\/p>\n
Instances in which new or revised norms have become evident
\ninclude the rights of national governments in relation to
\nminority groups, especially human rights, although the latter is
\nnot new.<\/p>\n
For example, the United States' Declaration of Independence
\nbriefly defines human rights as \"life, liberty and the pursuit of
\nhappiness\". It is the changed structure of international politics
\nthat enabled the concept to be treated as a norm which could be
\nattributed to a \"unipolar\" world with the U.S. as paramount
\npower.<\/p>\n
This does not necessarily mean that this norm can only be
\nenforced against weak states. In a military sense this might be
\ntrue, but in globalization pressures of international consensus
\ncan also be effectively applied to major powers still dependent
\non international financial institutions.<\/p>\n
Indonesia's future policies would have to be in the context of
\nU.S. military superiority and its economic, cultural and
\ndiplomatic dominance (the latter two termed \"soft power\").<\/p>\n
If Vice President Al Gore becomes president that policy line
\nwill be continued, although most probably with more pressure for
\nthe observance of environmental norms and human rights.<\/p>\n
If Governor George W. Bush wins the race, changes will
\nprobably be marginal. But as a member of the Republican Party it
\nwould be probably be easier for him than for Al Gore to get some
\npolicies through Congress, especially if both the Senate and the
\nHouse of Representatives have a Republican majority.<\/p>\n
The present global structure will most likely be determined by
\nthe U.S. as the \"unipolar\" power, at least for the next three or
\nfour decades. This also means that Western influence on
\ninternational norms will almost certainly continue to be an
\nirritant to many non-Western countries, including Indonesia.<\/p>\n
Another contentious issue which might affect interstate
\nrelations is government action violating international norms.
\nThese new norms often deal with matters that used to be defined
\n\"essentially within the jurisdiction of a sovereign state\".<\/p>\n
\"The knowledge revolution\" based on new technologies is
\npotentially far more transformatory in its long-term effects than
\nthe \"unipolar\" phenomena. All its consequences are unpredictable,
\nbut the least so is its ability to redistribute power, both
\ndomestically and internationally.<\/p>\n
That redistribution of power is currently most apparent in
\nWestern democracies. The world of Internet and e-mail is more
\nlikely to change society and the distribution of power within it,
\nempowering dissidents, especially ethnic minorities and the
\neconomically disadvantaged.<\/p>\n
The \"knowledge revolution\" has facilitated non-governmental
\norganizations in challenging prevailing norms, which proved to be
\neffective in the actions against the World Trade Organization in
\nSeattle.<\/p>\n
The basis of NGOs is not the nation, still less the
\ngovernment. In fact, it is the individual. NGO's reject the
\nconcept of nations, nationalism, national interests and
\nespecially national sovereignty. The concept assumes that
\nhumanity is one great society, in which its members are citizens
\nof the \"cosmopolis\" and are entitled to the same rights,
\nregardless of the views of respective governments.<\/p>\n
Finally, in view of the prolonged serious crisis, the unipolar
\nworld and the \"knowledge revolution\", we cannot expect a more
\nassertive foreign policy in the near future.<\/p>\n
The writer is a research professor at the National Institute
\nof Sciences (LIPI) in Jakarta.<\/p>",
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"sponsor": "Okusi Associates",
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