Keating tries to improve ties<\/p>\n
By Ikrar Nusa Bhakti<\/p>\n
JAKARTA (JP): Prime Minister Paul Keating's wish to
\nconsolidate Australian-Indonesian relations is apparently not a
\nseasonal dream. Since he became Australian PM four years ago, he
\nhas visited Indonesia four times. This Sunday, Sept. 17, Keating
\nwill visit Indonesia again to hold a dialog with President
\nSoeharto in Bali. The agenda of the talks includes matters
\nrelating to the Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC),
\nparticularly toward the APEC Economic Leaders Meeting (AELM) in
\nOsaka, Japan, in November, bilateral relations, and developments
\nof regional and international interest.<\/p>\n
Apparently, bilateral relations will receive the greatest
\nattention among the topics mentioned. This is understandable
\nbecause in these past three months Australian-Indonesian
\nrelations have been very severely tested. It started with
\nAustralia's indecision in accepting Indonesia's candidate
\nambassador for Australia, Lieutenant-General H.B.L. Mantiri,
\nwhich led to Indonesia's canceling the nomination. Moreover,
\nAustralia freed 18 illegal immigrants from East Timor who fled
\nthe island on May 24, 1995, resulting in waves of protests in
\nIndonesia.<\/p>\n
Relations between the two countries became more heated after a
\nnumber of demonstrations and the burning of the Indonesian flag
\nin Australia. Indonesian Youth National Committee (KNPI)
\nactivists retaliated by burning the Australian flag at the
\nAustralian embassy in Jakarta.<\/p>\n
Since 1945 Australian-Indonesian relations have known their
\nups and downs. Prof.Dr. Colin Brown, an Australian observer of
\nIndonesia, compares the relations between the two countries to a
\nroller coaster. It climbs very slowly but once the top is reached
\nit descends drastically. Australia and Indonesia had their
\nhoneymoon in 1945-1949 when the Australian people and government
\nsupported the Indonesian struggle for independence.<\/p>\n
However, in 1950-1966 relations reached a level of hostility
\nbecause Australia, a liberal-capitalist country, was suspicious
\nof Indonesia's intentions regarding West Irian, the Indonesia-
\nMalaysia confrontation and this country's foreign policy to
\nestablish the \"New Emerging Forces\" (NEFOS) to confront the \"Old
\nEstablished Forces\" (OLDEFOS). In 1967-1975, relations between
\nthe two countries returned to normal and attained their peak when
\nGough Williams, of the Labor Party, was prime minister.<\/p>\n
From 1975 on the relations between the two countries have had
\ntheir ups and downs which is basically caused by differences in
\nperception on human rights, especially in East Timor and Irian
\nJaya, freedom of the press, civilian-military relations in
\nIndonesia, collusion and corruption between government officials
\nand the private sector in Indonesia.<\/p>\n
To eliminate this negative perception, prime minister Bob
\nHawke's government proposed to establish an Australia-Indonesia
\nInstitute, a Ministerial Forum, and to adopt a Joint Declaration
\nof Principles or a Friendship Treaty between the two countries,
\nas exists between Australia and Papua New Guinea. The first and
\nsecond proposals were implemented only in 1989 and 1992, after
\nSenator Gareth Evans took over the position of Australia's
\nforeign minister from Bill Hayden in 1988.<\/p>\n
Together with Foreign Minister Ali Alatas, Evans took efforts
\nto erect pillars of bilateral relations, mainly through a
\nmultidimensional approach, i.e. not only through diplomatic and
\nmilitary relations, but also through the stepping up of trade and
\neconomic as well as socio-cultural relations. At the moment,
\nAustralian-Indonesian relations at Government-to-Government level
\ncan be qualified as good, but on the level of the two countries'
\ncommunities it can be said that negative perceptions are still
\napparent.<\/p>\n
The following may serve as an example: When the Australian
\nArmed Forces Academy's Department of Political Sciences conducted
\na survey in 1993, it found that 57 percent of Australian voters
\nand 28 percent of Australian legislators believed that Indonesia
\nwould become a security threat for Australia in 10 years' time.
\nThe 1986 Australian Defense White Paper had written the same. On
\nthe other hand, the majority of the Indonesian community believes
\nthat Australia still applies a White Australia policy and causes
\nmisery to the aborigines.<\/p>\n
The differences in perception at the community level often
\ninfluence the process of decision making at the elite level of
\ndecision makers in both countries. The violent storms hitting the
\nbilateral relations between July and September 1995 are a
\nmanifestation of the existence of negative perceptions in the two
\ncountries as well as inclinations towards violent acts and high-
\nlevel political games in political elite circles in both
\ncountries.<\/p>\n
PM Keating's visit to Indonesia, apart from preparing the
\nAustralian-Indonesian position in the coming AELM in Osaka, is
\nalso meant to improve bilateral relations. Keating is taking over
\nForeign Minister Evans' place because apparently Indonesia no
\nlonger considers Evans a positive asset in the two countries'
\nbilateral relations like at the beginning of his term as foreign
\nminister. Evans has created a negative image of himself because
\nthe commotion surrounding Mantiri had its origins in his comments
\nin front of the Australian press.<\/p>\n
In the implementation of Australia's foreign policy on
\nIndonesia, the differences in the background and in the position
\nand views of PM Keating and Foreign Minister Evans strongly
\nresemble those between Prime Minister Joseph Benedict Chifley and
\nForeign Minister H.V. Evatt of the Labor Party, which ruled in
\nthe years following World War II. Like Chifley, Keating is a
\npolitician who was born and raised as a Labor Party activist.
\nKeating was a working class man from Bankstown, New South Wales,
\nwho in 1969 became a parliament member representing the electoral
\ndistrict of Blaxland. Therefore, also like Chifley, in defending
\nIndonesia, Keating is more pragmatic and is not so bound by
\naspects of international law.<\/p>\n
On the other hand, Foreign Minister Evans, like Foreign
\nMinister Evatt, is strongly influenced by his background as an
\nacademic and lawyer. Therefore, Evans is more rigid in the
\nimplementation of Labor Party idealism, which gives priority to
\nhuman rights and links these to international law. For example,
\nin the case of East Timor, Foreign Minister Evans always says
\nthat although Australia has recognized East Timor's integration
\ninto Indonesia, he still maintains that the act of self-
\ndetermination has not been carried out in East Timor. The anti-
\nintegration East Timor community residing in Australia and their
\nsupporting NGO activists know Evans' position and views and want
\nto make use of them. Moreover, Evans has a vested interest in
\ntransferring his position from the Senate to the House of Commons
\nand needs the support of human rights activists and the press.<\/p>\n
Amidst the crisis in the two countries' relations, Keating
\ndesires to state that the final decision lies in his hands. His
\npragmatic attitude may have been influenced by his advisers in
\nhis office and by the group of businessmen, scientists,
\nbureaucrats, the military and other groups of the Indonesian
\nlobby who do not want the relations between the two countries to
\nenter total confusion. This does not mean that the Australian
\nforeign office does not wish good relations, because in this
\noffice too many people focus their attention on Asia rather than
\non Europe. At least, PM Keating still adheres to his statement of
\nMarch 16, 1992 that Indonesia's sustainable economic development
\nis very important for Australia's security, that good relations
\nwith Indonesia is one of the criteria for wider Australian-Asian
\nrelations, and that the economic growth of Australia and
\nIndonesia contributes positively to both countries and the Asia-
\nPacific region.<\/p>\n
The writer is a researcher at the Center for Political and
\nRegional Studies, the Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI),
\nJakarta.<\/p>",
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