Judging govt solutions to Papuan separatism<\/p>\n
Neles Tebay, Pontifical University, of Urbaniana, Rome<\/p>\n
The central government has repeatedly emphasized the necessity
\nof tackling the separatist movement in Papua through \"proper
\nways\". It is interesting to see how the government has been
\ntrying to tackle the newly recognized Papuan separatist movement,
\nand how the international community has reacted.<\/p>\n
The first solution was the offer of the status of special
\nautonomy for Papua. The government then passed the Law No.
\n21\/2001 on special autonomy for Papua province. The international
\ncommunity fully supported this solution by providing experts and
\nfinancial aid to make the implementation of the passed autonomy
\nlaw successful.<\/p>\n
However, Jakarta has now considered that the implementation of
\nthe autonomy law is not the proper way to tackle Papuan
\nseparatism. Now it seems to assume that the autonomy law would
\nonly strengthen the separatist movement and even accelerate the
\ncreation of an independent state of West Papua.<\/p>\n
So a second solution was taken to weaken the separatist
\nmovement in Papua. While the Papuans were expecting a government
\nregulation for the establishment of the Papua People's Assembly
\n(MRP), President Megawati Soekarnoputri issued Presidential
\nInstruction No. 1\/2003 on the establishment of the West and
\nCentral Irian Jaya Provinces.<\/p>\n
The government move to divide Papua has been opposed by the
\ninternational community, at least by the European Parliament.<\/p>\n
Due to public pressure and clashes in Timika following the
\nannouncement of the presidential instruction, the government then
\ndecided to postpone the establishment of Central Irian Jaya while
\nmaintaining the creation of West Irian Jaya province.<\/p>\n
Since the second solution did not work smoothly, the
\ngovernment decided on a third solution -- the combining of two
\nconflicting laws, namely Law No. 45\/1999 recognizing three
\nprovinces in the territory of Papua and Law No. 21\/2001
\nrecognizing only one province, which is Papua.<\/p>\n
The autonomy law for Papua will now be revised to accommodate
\nthe establishment of the two new provinces as mandated by Law No.
\n45\/1999 and endorsed by Presidential Instruction No. 1\/2003.<\/p>\n
The status and role of the MRP will also be emasculated.<\/p>\n
The government is now looking at the possibility of offering
\nspecial autonomy status not only to Papua province but also to
\nthe West and Central Irian Jaya provinces.<\/p>\n
We do not know how the government will synchronize these
\nconflicting laws. However, one can be sure that the combining of
\nthese laws will create more confusion, not only for the Papuans
\nbut also the government itself. It will have to be decided, for
\ninstance, whether the province will be called Papua as mentioned
\nin the autonomy law or Irian Jaya as in Law No. 45\/1999.<\/p>\n
The government will be forced to determine whether branches of
\nthe National Commission on Human Rights, and also the Commission
\nfor Truth and Reconciliation, will be established only in Papua
\nor in each of the three provinces.<\/p>\n
In the harmonizing of the two conflicting laws, the government
\nis also indirectly postponing indefinitely not only the creation
\nof the new provinces, but also the implementation of Papua's
\nautonomy law.<\/p>\n
What will be the next attempt to weaken the separatist
\nmovement?<\/p>\n
When the Papuans rejected the implementation of the
\ncontroversial presidential instruction on the division of the
\nprovince, the military announced that numerous foreigners were
\noperating in Papua province in support of the separatist
\nmovement.<\/p>\n
The government then banned foreigners from visiting Papua on a
\ntourist visa, thereby further isolating Papua from the rest of
\nthe world. Yet people may then question why Papua is closed to
\nforeigners, or what is being hidden from international eyes?<\/p>\n
The government's attempted isolation of Papua becomes more
\nsuspicious given the decision to deploy 2,000 additional troops
\nto the area. Four extra battalions will be dispatched immediately
\nto boost the other three battalions already stationed in Papua.<\/p>\n
Indonesian Military chief Gen. Ryamizard Ryacudu, as reported
\nby the Papua Post, a local daily, on July 21, was already
\nannouncing in Biak that to eradicate the unarmed separatists in
\nPapua, the military would deploy more intelligence personnel. The
\nmilitary would also redeploy the Army's Special Forces (Kopassus)
\nto Papua in order to back the intelligence personnel.<\/p>\n
The newspaper also reported that Maj. Gen. Sriyanto, the
\nSpecial Forces commander, acknowledged that Kopassus members
\nalready had been redeployed to Papua, particularly in Jayapura,
\nTimika and Wamena.<\/p>\n
Will the military solution be taken by the government as the
\nfourth solution for tackling Papuan separatism?<\/p>\n
Looking at the government's efforts so far, several points can
\nbe highlighted. It is clear that Jakarta has no clear concept of
\nhow to root out the Papuan separatist movement. Further, the
\ngovernment lacks clear policies and credible processes for
\naddressing the problems in Papua, including unresolved human
\nrights violations, the controversial 1969 Act of Free Choice,
\nracial discrimination and civilian control over the military in
\nPapua.<\/p>\n
Instead of listening to the aspirations of the Papuans, the
\ngovernment has been using the method of trial and error in
\nhandling the Papua case. The above-mentioned solutions, except
\nthe Papua autonomy law, have been decided by the government
\nwithout consultation with the Papuans.<\/p>\n
It seems that there is no possibility for the government to
\nengage in a genuine dialog with the Papuans, in order to
\ndetermine a proper way to tackle the separatist movement in
\nPapua.<\/p>\n
Nowadays, a reaction from the international community should
\nbe expected in response to whatever measure the government takes
\nto address the Papua case.<\/p>\n
All of these efforts from Jakarta which have failed to appease
\nthe people in Papua have partially contributed to international
\nattention.<\/p>\n
Finally, the government's incapability to handle the Papua
\ncase through peaceful means could even invite international
\nhumanitarian intervention for the sake of peace and progress, and
\nto prevent more violence in Papua.<\/p>",
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