JP\/\/SBY<\/p>\n
Cabinet reshuffle caps year of silent rivalry<\/p>\n
Dwi Atmanta
\nThe Jakarta Post\/Jakarta<\/p>\n
President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's face stiffened prior to
\nannouncing the first Cabinet reshuffle that night of Dec. 5.<\/p>\n
He spent most of his introductory speech denying media reports
\nregarding an alleged tug-of-war that preceded the changes to his
\nCabinet team, which he said were speculative and baseless.<\/p>\n
Why did he bother responding to such unsubstantiated news in
\nthat case?<\/p>\n
Critics were quick to criticize Susilo for lacking the
\ncomposure a statesman needs to respond to the problems he is
\nfacing. Former president Megawati Soekarnoputri joined the
\nchorus, saying her successor did not have a sense of humor.<\/p>\n
What was behind the President's ire was his attempt to prove
\nhis critics, who branded him an indecisive leader, wrong.<\/p>\n
\"I have never hesitated (to replace ministers). I have a
\ndefinite concept in running the government,\" Susilo said in a
\ntelevised speech.<\/p>\n
He also dismissed speculation that he had come under pressure
\nfrom certain political parties or individuals in determining who
\ngets what in the minor reshuffle.<\/p>\n
Whatever the President maintained, many deem the reshuffle as
\na win-win solution reached between him and Vice President Jusuf
\nKalla, who leads the Golkar Party, the major bedrock of political
\nsupport for his one-year-old administration.<\/p>\n
Demands had mounted previously for Susilo to replace Aburizal
\nBakrie, who is a Golkar member, as the chief economics minister.<\/p>\n
Susilo bowed to the pressure, but instead of kicking Aburizal
\nout of the Cabinet, he shifted him to the post of coordinating
\nminister for people's welfare. To further appease Golkar, Susilo
\nawarded the party the National Development Planning Board
\nchairmanship post. A Golkar executive said the party could have
\nsecured one more post in Fadel Muhammad, but Susilo dropped him
\nat the last minute.<\/p>\n
A source said Kalla was initially reluctant to travel to
\nYogyakarta to accompany Susilo in announcing the Cabinet
\nreshuffle. The source said Kalla was unhappy with Aburizal losing
\nhis strategic post to Susilo's handpicked candidate Boediono.
\nAfter three telephone conversations with Susilo, however, Kalla
\ndeparted.<\/p>\n
Kalla flew back to Jakarta just an hour after the announcement
\nwith a smile.<\/p>\n
But it was Susilo who seemed to have had the last laugh.<\/p>\n
Replacing Aburizal is indeed the boldest measure Susilo has
\never taken. Aburizal's entry into the Cabinet was recommended by
\nKalla, who also focuses on economic affairs in line with the
\ndivision of labor agreed upon with Susilo.<\/p>\n
When the discourse on the reshuffle began to roll, Kalla
\ninsisted that there would be no changes in the economic team.<\/p>\n
Then the President raised the issue of public officials who
\nalso play a role as businessmen. Susilo call them dual-function
\npoliticians, reminiscence of a New Order term for the socio-
\npolitical role played by the military.<\/p>\n
It remains unclear who the President was referring to, because
\nin fact state officials are banned from running businesses. There
\nis no regulation prohibiting their families from seeking profit,
\nhowever.<\/p>\n
There are several Cabinet members who used to be active in
\nbusiness, including Kalla, Aburizal and Minister of Industry
\nFahmi Idris.<\/p>\n
As if to respond to Susilo's statement, Kalla said the
\ninclusion of businessmen in the Cabinet was unavoidable and would
\nbenefit the government due to their managerial and negotiating
\nskills.<\/p>\n
Susilo seized the momentum of the Cabinet reshuffle to
\ndissociate public officials from the private sector.<\/p>\n
The President said he would issue a regulation that would
\nprohibit companies run by families or relatives of public
\nofficials from bidding for projects funded by state or regional
\nbudgets.<\/p>\n
The reform movement in 1998 had led to a major crackdown on
\ncorruption, collusion and nepotism involving state officials, but
\nonly recently the demand began to materialize. Collusion and
\nnepotism, however, are still rampant and difficult to prove.<\/p>\n
To further show who's the boss, Susilo announced a plan to
\nformalize his professional relationship with the Vice President
\nin a bid to avoid overlapping tasks that might confuse not only
\nthe Cabinet members but the public at large.<\/p>\n
The idea of issuing the unprecedented regulation followed
\nrepeated contradictory statements made in public by the President
\nand the Vice President, notably the fuel price hike and the
\nCabinet reshuffle.<\/p>\n
A recent study conducted by the Indonesian Survey Circle (LSI)
\nrevealed that most respondents perceived the Vice President
\nas playing an equal or more important role in running the
\ncountry.<\/p>\n
The pollster said Kalla's increased performance rating
\nprobably came from his prominent role in the peaceful settlement
\nof the Aceh conflict, perceptions of his proactive approach to
\nthe country's economic policies, his support base in the House of
\nRepresentatives through the Golkar Party he heads and his
\nleadership style.<\/p>\n
Kalla proved himself a skillful peace broker when he managed
\nto convince Free Aceh Movement (GAM) rebels to sit at the
\nnegotiating table, and later on drop their long-held demand for
\nan independent state.<\/p>\n
Most respondents of the LSI survey say that one year into his
\nterm of office Kalla has played a bigger role in the government
\nthan his boss Susilo. Therefore in its recommendation, LSI
\nsuggested that Susilo take more initiatives while Kalla stay in
\nthe background.<\/p>\n
Susilo might have had to allow for compromises in order to
\nconsolidate political support in the difficult first year of
\ntenure, which might explain why he appeared to not be in full
\ncommand.<\/p>\n
Now that the Cabinet reshuffle has brought together all major
\nparties except the self-styled opposition camp, the Indonesian
\nDemocratic Party of Struggle on his side, Susilo could emerge as
\na powerful president as LSI put it in the second year.<\/p>\n
\"The President should never hesitate to exercise the powers
\nthe Constitution grants him in line with the presidential system
\nof government,\" LSI said in its recommendations.<\/p>\n
Nobody knows what Susilo has in mind to strengthen his
\npolitical clout, but LSI suggested that he build a political
\nmachine that will provide him with second opinions that go in
\nline with his platform, keep him in touch with trends in the
\nsociety and help him maintain his political capital.<\/p>\n
His popularity, still high despite the tough year, is his most
\nvaluable asset, which none of his contenders can afford to
\nignore.<\/p>\n
Kalla must realize that. A Golkar figure said the Vice
\nPresident told party executives it would be impossible for him to
\nchallenge Susilo in the 2009 election.<\/p>\n
\"It is possible that Kalla will again contest the election as
\nSusilo's running mate, and emerge as a more powerful vice
\npresident,\" he said.<\/p>\n
Kalla himself has dismissed speculation that he might
\nchallenge Susilo for the top post, like he did in 2004 when they
\nchallenged their former boss Megawati.<\/p>\n
With politics being the game of the possible, no one can
\nguarantee that an energetic, hardworking Kalla will keep a low
\nprofile.<\/p>\n
Everything is now dependent on whether Susilo can gain the
\nmomentum of the Cabinet reshuffle to make use of the chemistry he
\nand Kalla have formed. One year of confusion is more than enough.<\/p>",
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