JP\/5\/MEG3<\/p>\n
To operate a modern economic system without the support of a
\nreliable national banking system is surely impossible. We must
\nlearn much from our bitter experience in managing the banking
\nsector; especially after economic liberalization in 1983. We have
\nviolated so many conservative norms in banking management, which
\nhave been established over a long period. We really need to learn
\nfrom this experience, to prevent us from becoming like the old
\nman who lost his cane twice.<\/p>\n
Like it or not, today we are part of a new world, which has
\nbecome global in the field of politics, economics, and social and
\ncultural issues. What happens in another country also influences
\nour nation and vice versa. In pursuing economic interests, we
\nhave ventured into formal commitments with other countries, both
\nbilateral and multilateral.<\/p>\n
In general these commitments are designed in the spirit of
\nmutual benefit. It has to be admitted that some of them have now
\nbecome quite burdensome. Therefore, the opinion that has emerged
\namong us to request adjustment to such burdensome commitments is
\nnot entirely wrong. Notwithstanding the reasons and without any
\nless appreciation for the good intentions behind such thoughts, a
\ncommitment is a commitment. An agreement is an agreement, whether
\nnational or international.<\/p>\n
We must do our utmost to honor the obligations contained in
\nthese commitments. Nonetheless, we would certainly be deeply
\ngrateful if friendly countries and related creditors could give
\nus some room and breathing space, to enable us to restore our
\nnational life in this difficult transition period.<\/p>\n
We are also facing a short-term challenge which we must
\nrespond to with hard work, namely our participation in the ASEAN
\nFree Trade Agreement and the World Trade Organization. Indeed, I
\nbelieve it requires great strength to maintain our national
\ncompetitiveness in an increasingly open and competitive
\ninternational trade, when our economy is at its lowest bargaining
\nposition.<\/p>\n
Allow me now to touch upon the issues of recovery and efforts
\nto maintain the stability of our national security and defense.
\nThere is not much that we can do without security, or if the
\nborders of our territory are trespassed in the absence of any the
\ncapability on our part to prevent or counter such violations.<\/p>\n
We need an effective, highly disciplined security system and
\npersonnel under government control, yet who have the spirit of
\nthe people.<\/p>\n
Along with national reform aimed at creating a more democratic
\nIndonesian society, the Indonesian Military (TNI) has pledged its
\ncommitment to continue its internal reform through concrete
\nmeasures, to become a professional and functional instrument of
\nstate defense, and to uphold democracy and to abide by the law
\nand to respect human rights.<\/p>\n
We have consistently also started to separate the National
\nPolice from the TNI, although in certain cases the police need
\nmilitary support. Yet the TNI must focus on defending national
\nterritorial integrity, while the police must concentrate more on
\ncreating and maintaining security and a feeling of safety among
\nthe people.<\/p>\n
Therefore along with the need to enhance the professional
\ncapacity of the TNI and the National Police, it is the state's
\nduty to ensure the availability of equipment and minimum backup
\nfor the task entrusted to them of maintaining security and
\ndefense. It would be unfair if we gave the TNI a demanding task
\nbut did not provide them with proper equipment and logistical
\nsupport in terms of the appropriate quantity and high quality.<\/p>\n
There is therefore a compelling need for an agenda and clear
\nschedule to pursue on the national policy on TNI and the National
\nPolice. There are many regulations to be amended, basic doctrines
\nand their implementation need to be revised and education and
\ntraining programs to be conducted.<\/p>\n
I understand that there are issues inherited from the past
\nwith regards to the repositioning of the TNI and the National
\nPolice, specifically severe violations of human rights in armed
\nconflict areas. We learned of some of the violations from the
\ninternational media right after they took place, but some came to
\nthe fore only recently.<\/p>\n
It must be admitted that many such reports have cornered us.
\nYet our stance remains clear. Should there be convincing evidence
\nof severe violations of human rights outside the battleground,
\nthose found guilty should be held responsible and legal action
\nmust be taken against them, according to the law. We will not
\nentertain any impression of covering up such severe abuses.
\nFor it is clear that Indonesia is a state based on law. No single
\nperson is beyond the reach of law, not even a president.<\/p>\n
In preparing ourselves to embark upon a better future, allow
\nme to dwell on the three questions from the past that need a
\ncomprehensive solution. They are the questions of East Timor,
\nAceh and Irian Jaya.<\/p>\n
Right from the outset, the issue of East Timor has had an
\ninternational dimension, especially in the framework of
\ndecolonization. There was no specific design of the Republic of
\nIndonesia in that region.<\/p>\n
Our involvement in the region was unintentional, for it was
\nthe stance adopted by the state's founding fathers that the
\nterritory of the Republic of Indonesia was the ex-territory of
\nthe Dutch Indies. No more, no less.<\/p>\n
Without delving again into the causes, we have now
\nfundamentally settled the question of East Timor in 1999 and have
\nopenly respected the choice of our brothers and sisters in the
\nregion to have their own state.<\/p>\n
Yet some lingering issues remain, such as the solution to the
\nproblem of a considerable number of refugees in the province of
\nEast Nusa Tenggara and assistance for our East Timorese brethren
\nwho feel more comfortable to remain in our territory or who have
\nbecome Indonesian citizens.<\/p>\n
The issues of Aceh and Irian Jaya are quite different with
\nthat of East Timor. These questions are strictly internal
\nmatters, especially connected to nation- and state-building.<\/p>\n
We have to honestly admit that the crux of the issues is the
\nvarious policies of the past, which have been considered very
\noppressive to the people in those regions. It is therefore
\nnatural that as a nation we offer a sincere apology to our fellow
\ncitizens who have long suffered from those incorrect policies.<\/p>\n
But apology is not enough. It must be accompanied by a series
\nof rearrangements to restore things in the shortest possible
\ntime.<\/p>\n
Therefore, we are now carrying out basic corrections in the
\ntwo provinces, not only by paying respect to the cultural
\nidentities and specific characteristics of the people, but also
\nby granting the regional administrations more authority to manage
\ntheir respective regions in the framework of special autonomy.<\/p>\n
Yet, one thing is clear; all these should remain within the
\ncontext of preserving the territorial integrity of the unitary
\nstate of the Republic of Indonesia.<\/p>\n
Allow me now to take this opportunity to underline the urgency
\nof maintaining the country's territorial integrity.<\/p>\n
Territorial integrity is not only of highly important
\nattribute of a nation-state, but also serves as an integral part
\nof a stable world order, which has permanent boundaries. In this
\ncontext, any movement intending to secede from the unitary state
\nof the Republic of Indonesia would not only face our strong
\nrejection, but would fail to win support from the international
\ncommunity as well.<\/p>\n
This fact needs the close attention of the leaders of such
\nseparatist movements, especially those who have opted for the
\npath of armed violence, which has led to so many victims among
\ninnocent people. From this forum I call on my brothers and
\nsisters who, due to various reasons, have chosen armed violence,
\nto return to society and together build a new Indonesia, a better
\none than what we have been through.<\/p>\n
As I said earlier, now we have at our disposal the instruments
\nof special autonomy, which I believe provides enough room to
\nfulfill your valid aspirations and interests.<\/p>\n
It was based on my comprehension of the above conditions that
\nI formed the Gotong Royong Cabinet to carry out the mandate you
\nhave entrusted to me until the end of my tenure in 2004.<\/p>\n
I apologize for being rather late in announcing the line up of
\nthe new Cabinet. The reason was simply because it was not easy to
\nselect the most suited among so many candidates who were all the
\nnation's best sons and daughters. It was only due to the limited
\nposts available that I could not accommodate all the candidates
\nto take up the posts of coordinating ministers, portfolio
\nministers, or state ministers. Hopefully the next time round the
\nothers will get their chance.<\/p>\n
In a bid to respond to the above issues allow me to repeat the
\nsix programs of the Gotong Royong Cabinet.<\/p>\n
* Maintaining the nation's unity in the framework of the
\nUnitary State of the Republic of Indonesia;<\/p>\n
* Continuing reform and democratization in all aspects of
\nnational life through a clearer framework, direction and agenda,
\nwhile improving respect for human rights;<\/p>\n
* Restoring the economy and strengthening the basis for
\npeople's economy;<\/p>\n
* Consistent upholding of the law and creating a feeling of
\nsecurity and eradicating corruption, collusion and nepotism;<\/p>\n
* Conducting a free and active foreign policy, restoring the
\ndignity of the state and nation and recovering the trust of
\nforeign countries, including international donor institutions and
\ninvestors, in the government; and<\/p>\n
* Preparing a safe, orderly and direct general elections in
\n2004.<\/p>\n
I am fully aware that this Cabinet will be unable to perform
\nwithout the understanding, cooperation and support from every
\nsector of society. From this forum, I again request that
\nunderstanding, cooperation and support. Only through this
\napproach will we be able to gradually come out of this deeply
\npainful crisis.<\/p>",
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