JP\/4\/NELES<\/p>\n
Special autonomy will not
\nsolve crimes against Papuans<\/p>\n
Neles Tebay
\nPontifical University
\nof Urbaniana
\nThe Jakarta Post
\nRome<\/p>\n
In December 2001, the Papuans, through peaceful rallies,
\nrejected Jakarta's offer of special autonomy and demanded the
\ngovernment reveal who killed Theys Hiyo Eluay, chairman of the
\nPapuan Presidium Council (PPC), the motive behind the killing and
\nwho ordered it.<\/p>\n
Tom Beanal, the PPC deputy, has demanded that the government
\nstop introducing the bill on Papua's special autonomy before
\nsettling the case. In response the president set up the national
\ninquiry team (KPN) which is gathering data on the case.<\/p>\n
But even if Theys' killers are revealed, would Papuans welcome
\nJakarta's offer of special autonomy? I'm not sure -- despite its
\nofficial implementation since Jan. 1 this year following the
\npassing of the bill by the House of Representatives.<\/p>\n
There are two different perceptions on the special autonomy
\nfor Papua. Jakarta considers it the political solution to the
\nPapua case. The House has passed the bill; the only problem is
\nhow Jakarta can convince its acceptance. This is the duty of the
\nprovincial government.<\/p>\n
Jakarta must identify and listen to the influential parties in
\nPapua. These are the local government, the PPC, the Papuan
\nstudents, and the religious leaders, particularly the church.<\/p>\n
The provincial government has no choice other than to welcome
\nand implement special autonomy. Governor Yacobus Salossa
\nrecognizes that the bill provides many badly needed opportunities
\nfor the Papuans.<\/p>\n
Yet the administration, with the support of the provincial
\nlegislature, will not simply obey Jakarta. These two institutions
\nwill be more critical regarding intervention by the government.
\nLocal scholars will likely support the provincial government and
\ncouncil in implementing the bill. As it has been passed, it must
\nbe implemented regardless of problems of acceptance.<\/p>\n
Then there is the PPC. The members were elected by the second
\nPapuan Congress attended by some 5,000 Papuans. Recognized as the
\nde facto Papuan government, the PPC is listened to more than the
\nGovernor.<\/p>\n
The PPC has rejected the bill, saying it is not a result of a
\ngenuine dialog between the government and the Papuans led by the
\nPresidium.<\/p>\n
A third influential group is the Papuan students. Having
\nstudied the bill thoroughly, they have concluded that the bill
\ndoes not address the fundamental problems behind the Papuans'
\ndemand for independence -- the past human rights violations and
\nthe denial of the right to self-determination in 1969.<\/p>\n
The fourth group is the highly respected religious leaders,
\nwho outside the bureaucracy are the only ones who have welcomed
\nthe special autonomy bill. The bill is regarded as a result of a
\nreview of development under the New Order in Papua, a review
\nwhich they recommended to former president Abdurrahman Wahid when
\nhe visited Jayapura in December 1999.<\/p>\n
Since the bill is Jakarta's response to the Papuans' demand
\nfor independence, do the church leaders welcome the bill of the
\nspecial autonomy as the political solution to the Papua case?<\/p>\n
The religious leaders were involved in formulating the draft
\non special autonomy proposed by the Governor. Their involvement
\nfollowed their study of the draft bill proposed by the House of
\nRepresentatives.<\/p>\n
However the bill passed mainly accommodated the House draft.
\nThe leaders concluded that the Jakarta bill assumes that Papua's
\nmain problem is welfare, and decided to accept it at least for
\nthe time being.<\/p>\n
However church leaders also realize that prosperity is not the
\nfundamental problem behind the Papuan case: Human rights
\nviolations in Papua since 1963 and the denial of the right to
\nself-determination in 1969.<\/p>\n
They later said the abduction and assassination of Theys is
\nnothing new. In their letter to the President on Dec. 14, the
\nchurch leaders wrote, \"The abduction and murder of Theys Hiyo
\nEluay is nothing more than a repetition of the same methods
\napplied in the past against Papuan figures who were considered
\nsubversive because they voiced the people's aspirations, like
\nArnold Ap and Willem Onde.\"<\/p>\n
The same methods, they continued, had also been used against
\ncivilians accused of being members or supporters of the Free
\nPapua movement (OPM), accusations which were never brought to
\ntrial. According to Amnesty International, some 100,000 Papuans
\nhave been killed by the Indonesian military.<\/p>\n
Some human rights violations have been investigated and
\nreported by the National Commission on Human Rights. But Papuans
\nknow that the perpetrators have never been tried. Some have
\ninstead been promoted and are even regarded as heroes. The more
\nthey kill Papuans, the more their prestige grows.<\/p>\n
Jakarta has continued claiming that the 1969 popular
\nconsultation was held with Papuans' participation through their
\nrepresentatives, under the assistance and supervision of the
\nUnited Nations.<\/p>\n
The Papuans have said that the consultation was undemocratic.
\nThey said they had never selected representatives to participate
\nin the popular consultation. The 1,025 people involved were
\nselected by the Indonesian government. Theys was among these
\nhand-picked people.<\/p>\n
In 1999 I interviewed Theys, asking why he was now fighting
\nfor West Papua's independence when he joined the Republic in
\n1969. \"My son,\" he said, \"I have never decided to join Indonesia,
\nincluding during the 1969 popular consultation.\"<\/p>\n
What did he expect from Jakarta? \"Nothing else other than
\nreviewing the implementation of the 1969 popular consultation,
\nand let the Papuans decide their fate and future, freely and
\ndemocratically, without any form of violence.\" Theys had indeed
\nled calls regarding the problematic consultation and human rights
\nviolations.<\/p>\n
So even if President Megawati announces the killer, the motive
\nand the one who ordered Theys' assassination, Papuans will not
\nwelcome special autonomy as the political solution.<\/p>\n
Implementation will be troublesome given likely rejection by
\nall groups. They would conclude that the bill only addresses
\nwelfare, which is indeed the duty of all governments.<\/p>\n
Papuans will continue to demand a settlement to human rights
\nviolations since 1963 and the right to self-determination.<\/p>\n
Only genuine dialog will be able to overcome these differences
\n-- an appeal made since the second Papua Congress in December
\n2001. Now, is the government ready to take part in a genuine
\ndialog with the Papuans, led by the Presidium Council?<\/p>",
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