JP\/4\/CABINET<\/p>\n
Kornelius Purba
\nStaff Writer
\nThe Jakarta Post
\nJakarta<\/p>\n
Should President Megawati Soekarnoputri and Vice President
\nHamzah Haz wait for a Cabinet decision to console hungry refugees
\nin Jakarta? Or should they wait for each other to initiate a
\nsimple but effective way to help flood victims -- and
\nsimultaneously help their own public relations needs?<\/p>\n
When flood victims in East Jakarta jeered an empty-handed
\nPresident Megawati during her belated visit on Thursday, the next
\nmorning Vice President Hamzah Haz upset many Jagorawi toll road
\nusers because police stopped all vehicles just to let him pass.<\/p>\n
"The flood has caused big troubles for us on the toll road. If
\nhe cannot help us at least he should not disturb the public,"
\nsaid a friend about Hamzah who has homes in East Jakarta and
\nBogor.<\/p>\n
Some refugees told the President that they expected food and
\nnot just a handshake or a big smile from her. Both leaders have
\nbeen regarded as being too late to comfort flood victims despite
\nstrong suggestions from several Cabinet members.<\/p>\n
A senior Cabinet member insisted that he and his colleagues
\nhad urged Megawati to immediately visit the victims. Her visit
\ntook place after presiding over a Cabinet meeting to discuss the
\nfloods.<\/p>\n
"I don't understand why (the visit) is so late," said the
\nminister after attending the meeting.<\/p>\n
The question is: How can the President and the Vice President
\nwork and coordinate appropriately if she has not even decided on
\nthe new structure and personnel of the offices of the state
\nsecretariat, the presidential office and vice presidential
\noffice?<\/p>\n
Citing signs of opposition in this regard from Megawati's
\nhusband Taufik Kiemas and her own Indonesian Democratic Party of
\nStruggle (PDI Perjuangan), an official disclosed that Megawati
\ncould not resist their demands for easier and better access to
\nthe Palace, and tried to put their own people in the posts.
\nMegawati is under strong pressure to replace state secretary
\nBambang Kesowo with one of her own people. For six months the
\nPresident has not been able to make up her mind on the issue.<\/p>\n
As a compromise to her husband, the President appointed an
\nexperienced diplomat, Kemal Munawar, as presidential secretary,
\nwhich effectively transferred much of Bambang's power to Kemal.
\nKemal then became in charge of her daily activities, incoming and
\noutgoing letters, and in handling her public relation activities.<\/p>\n
Meanwhile, despite his new position as the country's second
\nhighest official, it still seems difficult for Hamzah to change
\nhis position from the leader of the opposition, United
\nDevelopment Party (PPP), to become a part of the ruling coalition
\nwith Megawati. He used to criticize the government's policies and
\ndid not defend the government against its critics.<\/p>\n
He clearly enjoys his position, and people around him are
\nreportedly encouraging him to climb the ladder higher in 2004. So
\nhe is just waiting for his chance while enjoying his privileges.<\/p>\n
The President's relation with her deputy however is much
\nbetter compared to her relationship with president Abdurrahman
\nWahid when she was vice president.<\/p>\n
"They are not friends, but also not enemies. They just have
\ndifferent political interests," said an economic minister on
\nThursday.<\/p>\n
Another questionable principle is: How can her economic team
\nmove forward if Megawati's two most trusted economists quarrel in
\npublic over the BCA divestment plan and the controversial debt
\nextension plan? Claiming to act on behalf of the nation, State
\nMinister of State Enterprises Laksamana Sukardi and State
\nMinister of National Development Planning Agency Kwik Kian Gie
\nexpressed their differences in public.<\/p>\n
Both ministers are PDI Perjuangan executives and Megawati's
\neconomics mentors.<\/p>\n
A rift in the Cabinet however is not the monopoly of
\nMegawati's government. Soeharto was known for his mastery of
\nprovoking conflicts among his ministers especially between
\nmilitary and civilian ministers. The purpose was to strengthen
\nhis own position. Former minister of foreign affairs Ali Alatas
\nhad plenty stories about that.<\/p>\n
Yet the rifts in the current Cabinet are not Megawati's
\ndesign, but rather more because of lack of control over her
\nministers. While Soeharto completely controlled his ministers,
\nincluding their private problems, Megawati's ministers come from
\ndifferent parties, including from those who are not happy with
\nher, like Golkar.<\/p>\n
"Even during Cabinet meetings she should be cautious because
\nher remarks can be easily leaked to her opponents," said a long
\ntime aide of Megawati.<\/p>\n
The military prefers a low profile position in the Cabinet.
\nThe position of Lt. Gen. Hari Subarno as home minister is not as
\nstrong as his predecessors because under the regional autonomy
\nlaw, much of the central government's power has been moved to
\nregencies and municipalities.<\/p>\n
Minister of Defense Matori Abdul Djalil is a political
\nliability for Megawati. How can she expect Matori to defend the
\ncountry from its external enemies when he has to spend most of
\nhis energy in defending himself from former president
\nAbdurrahman's National Awakening Party (PKB), following Matori's
\nexpulsion from the party?<\/p>\n
Megawati is slowly reducing her dependence on Coordinating
\nMinister for the Economy Dorodjatun Kuntjoro-Jakti and
\nCoordinating Minister for Political and Security Affairs Gen.
\n(ret). Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono.<\/p>\n
On security affairs, especially on intelligence assessment she
\nregularly receives reports from National Intelligence Agency
\n(BIA) Lt. Gen. (ret.) A.M. Hendropriyono. In his military career,
\nHendropriyono was more senior than Susilo, but his past track
\nrecord often causes troubles from victims of human rights
\nviolations during Soeharto's era.<\/p>\n
In public she is often seen talking with Minister of Industry
\nand Trade Rini Soewandi. She is reportedly impressed with the
\nformer top executive of the publicly-listed Astra International
\nand has asked Rini to do more than her job as minister of
\nindustry and trade.<\/p>\n
She is becoming more impatient for concrete economic progress
\nin the short term. Taufik's experience and connection as a
\nbusinessman is quite helpful in connecting her to the country's
\nmajor corporations and businesses. This new approach is
\nvulnerable to public suspicion because conflicts of interests may
\nbe unavoidable.<\/p>\n
"It is helpful only for short term. But she is desperate for
\nsome progress," said an economic minister.<\/p>\n
Due to the complexity of his duties, Minister of Foreign
\nAffairs Hassan Wirajuda has potential sources of conflicts with
\nhis colleagues in the Cabinet although he is still Megawati's
\nchief diplomat. However Hassan must remember his mentor Alatas'
\nexperience, who was often bypassed by other Soeharto's assistants
\nlike former state secretary Moerdiono. A similar conflict with
\nBambang Kesowo is not impossible.<\/p>\n
Hamzah may refrain from involving himself in deciding
\nsensitive issues, like the policy on fuel or the government's
\nstance on terrorism. But as a statesman he must defend the
\ncountry first. The progress of the current government can also
\nbecome an advantage for his political future.<\/p>\n
How about Megawati? It is difficult to expect more from her if
\nshe has not even been able to finish the restructuring of both
\nHamzah's office and her own.<\/p>",
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