JP\/ \/tni<\/p>\n
War on terror benefits only TNI, or the nation?<\/p>\n
Tiarma Siboro
\nThe Jakarta Post\/Jakarta<\/p>\n
Despite the precious little progress the Indonesian Military
\n(TNI) has achieved in the area of internal reform, it has does
\nhave something to be proud this year: the lifting of the arms
\nembargo by the United States.<\/p>\n
The U.S. decision last November was linked to George W. Bush's
\nglobal war on terror. It came after President Susilo Bambang
\nYudhoyono met Bush and ordered the TNI to actively assist
\nNational Police in fighting terrorism.<\/p>\n
It was clear however that the lifting of the 14-year embargo
\non arms sales to Indonesia had nothing to do with the TNI's
\nachievement in boosting its track record in human rights issues.<\/p>\n
Aside from that, some analysts believe the decision might have
\nbeen a U.S. move to prevent Indonesia from seeking military
\nsupplies from other countries, especially Russia.<\/p>\n
The arms ban was imposed in 1991 after TNI soldiers shot dead
\nhundreds of mourners in Timor Leste (formerly East Timor). It was
\nextended due to human rights violations linked to the military-
\nbacked militia rampage also in East Timor after the 1999 autonomy
\nplebiscite.<\/p>\n
The involvement of soldiers in the national campaign against
\nterror has raised strong criticism from human rights activists
\nand others, who said the government should have instead further
\nempowered the police to handle such matters.<\/p>\n
A retired police general says that "certain forces" within the
\nmilitary institution have close ties with radical Muslim groups,
\nincluding the Islam Defender's Front (FPI) and Laskar Jihad.<\/p>\n
"This fact is part of the reason why the government involved
\nthe military in the domestic war to crack down on terrorist
\ncells," he added.<\/p>\n
Another reason was power. The government had been warned to be
\ncautious in attempting to strip power from the military,
\notherwise it could create social disturbances in retaliation.<\/p>\n
"We should not keep cornering the military because they will
\nnot stop playing terror games until they can seize back power,"
\nsaid the police general.<\/p>\n
President Susilo issued orders for the military to join the
\nnational terror war in response to the second Bali attack on Oct.
\n1, 2005, which killed 23 people including the three suicide
\nbombers. The resort island had also been bombed on Oct. 22, 2002,
\nin which 202 people, mostly Western tourists, were killed. Terror
\nalso rocked Jakarta when bombers attacked the Australian Embassy
\nin 2004 and the J.W. Marriott Hotel in 2003.<\/p>\n
The President didn't give clear guidance on how the military
\nshould deal with terror threats, but TNI chief Gen. Endriartono
\nSutarto quickly responded to it by saying he would reactivate the
\nmuch-criticized military territorial role to collect information
\nfrom the community and to set up an early warning system aimed at
\npreventing more terrorist attacks.<\/p>\n
According to Endriartono, the territorial role would give
\nmilitary intelligence officers the ability to "infiltrate"
\ncommunities where terrorist groups had developed their networks.<\/p>\n
Should that be the argument, why has the military been
\nsingularly unable to stop violence in conflict-torn areas where
\nit had established territorial commands? In fact, the military
\nhas often been accused of actually being behind or involved in
\ncommunal clashes.<\/p>\n
It is still fresh in many minds that the scrapping of the
\nmilitary's territorial function was one of the strongest demands
\nraised by the pro-democracy movement in 1998, which was marked by
\nthe ousting of former authoritarian president Soeharto.<\/p>\n
Analysts and human rights campaigners say the revival of the
\nterritorial role shows that the military has not been at all
\nserious in undertaking its internal reform programs.<\/p>\n
During the Soeharto era, the military abused its socio-
\npolitical function to intimidate and subdue government critics,
\neven kidnapping and murdering them.<\/p>\n
Officially, this role was scrapped after Soeharto's fall,
\nbut in fact the military remains politically very influential as
\nevidenced by the victory of many of its former officers in
\ncertain local direct elections.<\/p>\n
Civilian and military intellectuals have repeatedly warned
\nthat civilian incompetence could give the military an excuse to
\ncome back to the political fore.<\/p>\n
There seemed to be a little good news when the military
\nallowed its generals to be tried in a human rights tribunal for
\ntheir roles in the 1999 carnage in East Timor after it voted for
\nindependence from Indonesia.<\/p>\n
The same court had also tried senior military officers on
\ncharges of serious human rights violations in connection with the
\n1984 shooting incident in Tanjung Priok, North Jakarta.<\/p>\n
But the good news quickly evaporated when none of those tried
\nwere convicted of any wrongdoing.<\/p>\n
Also, all military officers were exonerated by a human rights
\ncourt in Makassar, South Sulawesi, from all charges resulting
\nfrom the Abepura shooting incident in Papua province.<\/p>\n
Other progress seemed to be made by the TNI when it allowed
\ncivilians to design national defense policy, allowed its seats in
\nthe House of Representatives to be scrapped, and for some of its
\nbusinesses to be taken over by the government.<\/p>\n
However, with regard to these issues the military has been put
\nto the test as to whether it is really serious about bowing to
\ncivilian control, of abandoning politics and of handing over all
\nits businesses.<\/p>",
"url": "https:\/\/jawawa.id\/newsitem\/jp-tni-1447899208",
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