Japan offers counter-piracy program<\/p>\n
By Santo Darmosumarto<\/p>\n
JAKARTA (JP): Reports of piracy in the Asia-Pacific region
\ndenote the phenomenon's continued security threat to regional
\nwaterways, which comprise some of the busiest shipping lanes in
\nthe world.<\/p>\n
Faced with immense difficulties in finding solutions to the
\nproblem, Asian governments are now pondering Japan's offer to
\nsponsor a joint counter-piracy program involving its coast
\nguards.<\/p>\n
If this proposal is accepted, it will be the first time since
\nthe end of World War II that Japan's maritime forces are deployed
\nbeyond their limited, self-defense scope.<\/p>\n
Although the plan provides an admirable attempt at boosting
\nregional cooperation in the long run, its success could prove to
\nbe challenging, as opposition is strong within Japan as well as
\namong some countries in the region, especially China.<\/p>\n
Japanese Prime Minister Keizo Obuchi revealed the proposal at
\na regional summit in Manila last year, where it received positive
\nresponses from countries in the Association of Southeast Asian
\nNations (ASEAN).<\/p>\n
Some even claim that the idea may have originally come from
\nIndonesian President Abdurrahman Wahid, whose archipelagic
\ncountry hosts the highest number of piracy attacks in the world.
\nYet officials either in Jakarta or Tokyo have not confirmed this.<\/p>\n
Despite viewing it as an important foreign policy item, Japan
\nintends on keeping a low profile on the issue for fear of raising
\nalarm over the possibility of increased Japanese involvement in
\nregional security. Further discussions on the proposal are set
\nfor late April in Tokyo.<\/p>\n
Japan's suggestion comes at an opportune time as piracy
\nstatistics continue to rise and coordinated relief efforts among
\nAsian governments remain severely lacking.<\/p>\n
The International Maritime Bureau (IMB) claims that there were
\n217 reported piracy attacks worldwide last year. This figure is
\nnearly 40 percent higher compared with that of 1998 and is almost
\ntriple that of 1991.<\/p>\n
A vast proportion of these attacks occurred in Southeast Asia,
\nwith those occurring in Indonesian waters almost double that of
\nlast year.<\/p>\n
The trend of violence also gives greater reasons for concern,
\nas easier access to small arms has allowed pirates to conduct
\ntheir crimes more \"effectively\".<\/p>\n
The IMB claims that piracy trends have demonstrated record
\nlevels of violence, with more sailors murdered, injured or taken
\nhostage during attacks. Sustained levels of piracy threaten not
\nonly merchant sailors' lives, but also, as experts have
\nelaborated, the region's trade patterns and marine environment.<\/p>\n
Japan's proposal follows the 1995 National Defense Program
\nOutline (NDPO), which envisages an increased military role in
\nresponding to unconventional security threats such as natural
\ndisasters, terrorism and maritime piracy.<\/p>\n
And to meet this new challenge, the NDPO also addresses the
\nneed to develop more streamlined, efficient and flexible maritime
\ncapabilities.<\/p>\n
Along with its growing participation in United Nations
\npeacekeeping efforts, joint regional counter-piracy is regarded
\nas another way in which Japan can contribute to the maintenance
\nof international peace and stability.<\/p>\n
For over half a decade, the Americans have been primarily
\nresponsible for guaranteeing Japan's defense; the latter's
\nparticipation in international affairs became largely confined to
\nmatters concerning economics and development issues.<\/p>\n
However, the United States' involvement in Asia-Pacific
\nsecurity is entering an uncertain chapter in this new millennium.
\nAlthough it rhetorically remains committed to the region's
\nsecurity concerns, the United States has gradually been reducing
\nits physical presence over the last decade.<\/p>\n
The growing interest among some Japanese strategists to
\nreestablish the country's status as a \"normal\" state then comes
\nas no surprise.<\/p>\n
In 1997, revisions were made to the 1978 US-Japan Defense
\nCooperation to give the Japanese a larger role within the
\nalliance.<\/p>\n
This was seen as in anticipation to further diminished
\nAmerican involvement in the region. The revised guidelines' most
\ncontroversial issue relates to the increased function of the
\nMaritime Self-Defense Force \"in situations in areas surrounding
\nJapan that will have an important influence on (its) peace and
\nsecurity\".<\/p>\n
The occasion certainly did not go unnoticed, as Beijing was
\nthe loudest in raising the alarm by stressing the possible
\nrevival of Japanese militarism. China claims that the agreement's
\nambiguous wording could provide Japan with a pretext to meddling
\nin -- and further complicating -- the region's already precarious
\nsecurity climate.<\/p>\n
The Chinese are not the only ones voicing their opposition;
\nmany Japanese do not like the idea of expanding their military's
\nrole beyond its self-defense scope for fear of repeating World
\nWar II experiences.<\/p>\n
Furthermore, deploying forces overseas is a breach of Japan's
\nConstitution, specifically Article 9. And even though amending
\nthis document is certainly not out of the question, such an
\neffort is unpopular among the domestic public, who have benefited
\neconomically from maintaining a military sufficient only for
\nself-defense purposes for more than five decades.<\/p>\n
To get around the problem, Tokyo has suggested that its
\nparticipation be limited to its coast guards and the Maritime
\nSafety Agency (JMSA), which exists outside of Japan's military
\nstructure. The capacity of the 12,000-strong JMSA, however,
\nshould not be easily underestimated, as it is well equipped with
\nfast, high-tech coastal and offshore vessels.<\/p>\n
Additionally, its maritime surveillance capabilities, which
\nconsist of sophisticated helicopters and planes, probably dwarves
\neven those employed by some navies in the region. Transition
\ntoward an expanded scope should not pose a seriously difficult
\nchallenge considering the agency's successful role in securing
\nJapan's territorial waters from piracy and other forms of
\nunconventional maritime threats.<\/p>\n
Warm responses from ASEAN members, especially Indonesia,
\nMalaysia and Singapore, probably spring from a realization of the
\nseverity of Asia-Pacific piracy problem.<\/p>\n
These three countries recognize the merit of joint counter-
\npiracy operations because they have carried out similar efforts
\nin the Malacca Strait with relative success.<\/p>\n
Also, Japan's proposal fits perfectly within ASEAN's latest
\nagenda, which emphasizes tackling issues related to
\nunconventional (\"human\") security.<\/p>\n
Nevertheless, realizing this plan needs the involvement of
\nBeijing, which has persistently resorted to accounts of the
\ncountry's militaristic past to warn about what it perceives as
\nJapanese remilitarization.<\/p>\n
Most importantly, the inclusion of China is crucial,
\nconsidering that many piracy attacks are committed by Chinese
\nnationals, and\/or coming from ports in southern China.<\/p>\n
Because the Chinese play an influential role in regional
\nsecurity, the overall success of Japan's proposal will be
\nsomewhat limited without the consent and collaboration of the
\nformer.<\/p>\n
Persuading Beijing will indeed be difficult; however, it is
\nnot impossible, especially if the issue is addressed as a \"human\"
\nsecurity concern.<\/p>\n
The talks in Tokyo this month are unlikely to result in an
\nimmediate region-wide acceptance of the joint counter-piracy
\nsuggestion. Many technical issues still require extensive
\nelaboration; a strategy has also to be developed to get China
\ninterested in the effort.<\/p>\n
Nevertheless, in general, this proposal demonstrates a greater
\nunderstanding of the piracy security threat and a genuine desire
\nto systematically end the region's most feared maritime menace.<\/p>\n
The writer is a Jakarta-based researcher and an analyst of
\nSoutheast Asian security issues.<\/p>",
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