Islamic state not necessary, say scholars<\/p>\n
Tidak Ada Negara Islam, Surat-Surat Politik Nurcholish Madjid -
\nMohamad Roem (There is no Islamic state, Political Letters
\nbetween Nurcholish Madjid and Mohamad Roem);
\nEditor: Agus Edi Sasono;
\nDjambatan, Jakarta 1997;
\nxxvii + 123 pages;
\nRp 10,000<\/p>\n
JAKARTA (JP): The Islamic State has long been the subject of
\nintense debate among Indonesian political observers. The topic is
\npopular because most Indonesians are Moslem and because the
\nconcept of an Islamic State is not clearly explained in the Koran
\nor records of the Prophet Muhammad's teachings.<\/p>\n
Moslem scholars like Ibn Taymiyyah, Abd al-Karim Zaidan and
\nFazlur Rahman agree that an Islamic state is needed to implement
\nMuhammad's word. Yet the most important discourse on power within
\nthe Koran reveals that the state is subject to the concept of
\nmorality, which indicates faith, but does not say that a state
\nhas to be Islamic.<\/p>\n
Moslems believe that Islam is a moral ideal and does not deal
\nsolely with religious principles and concepts unrelated to
\npresent or historical social contexts. Islam needs an historical
\ninfrastructure to contain its moral preachings and a modern
\nsocial context in which to exist.<\/p>\n
This book contains parts of a correspondence discussing the
\nconcept of an Islamic state conducted between the leading members
\nof two Islamic organizations rooted in different generations.<\/p>\n
The late Mohamad Roem represents the views and opinions of the
\nJong Islamieten Bond (Dutch for Association of Moslem Youths),
\nfounded in 1925 under the leadership of Haji Agus Salim.<\/p>\n
Nurcholish Madjid, a former chairman of the Himpunan Mahasiswa
\nIslam (HMI- Association of Moslem University Students) set up by
\nLafran Pane in 1947, represents the younger of the two
\ngenerations.<\/p>\n
There are at least two elements of their dialog which can be
\nstudied -- the letters shed new light on the struggle of
\nIndonesian Moslems and correct some distorted historical facts.<\/p>\n
The book also reveals how the two figures respect each other
\nand, in cases of misunderstanding, each politely asks the other
\nto clarify statements and listens to the explanation with
\ntolerance and good manners.<\/p>\n
Roem argues that an Islamic political party is needed to
\nprovide an infrastructure for Moslems. On the other hand,
\nNurcholish argues in favor of Islam but against an Islamic
\npolitical party. Both Roem and Nurcholish agree that Islamic
\nteachings do not include the concept of an Islamic state.<\/p>\n
The two share a belief that establishing an Islamic state is
\nnot essential. Islamic teachings stress the importance of taqwa
\n(righteous and self-restraint before God) for Moslems. A state
\nand government at most only provides the means for people to
\ndevelop these finer qualities.<\/p>\n
If a Moslem truly pursues these ethical principles through
\ndevotional acts to the one true God, he or she will emerge as a
\ntrue democrat.<\/p>\n
For this reason, Nurcholish believes the structure and
\nideology of the state is not important. Of greater meaning are
\nvalues, which are blessed by God, are cultural, and do not
\nrequire state assistance to develop. Culture also comprises
\neducation, religious propagation, the arts and sciences.<\/p>\n
Accordingly, Nurcholish aspires to a convergence of Indonesian
\nsociety around equitable principles, democracy and social
\njustice. He believes in an open and free state underpinned by the
\nPancasila state philosophy.<\/p>\n
Also discussed in the letters is the relationship between
\nMohammad Natsir, the leader of Masyumi, a large Moslem
\norganization, and Sutan Sjahrir, the country's first prime
\nminister, Natsir's junior and a leader of the socialist party,
\nduring the early years of independence. Some HMI leaders believed
\nNatsir was subordinated to Syahrir, a move which they took a dim
\nview of.<\/p>\n
However, Roem, in a letter dated June 7th, 1983, spoke out
\nagainst this commonly held view.<\/p>\n
Natsir, he argued, did not follow Sjahrir. Although Sjahrir
\ninvited Natsir to join to his cabinet in 1946, the act did not
\ngreatly influence the relationship between the two men.<\/p>\n
Natsir's career in politics peaked in 1950 and 1951 when he
\nwas prime minister. On the other hand, Sjahrir did not play any
\nfurther role in the government after his third cabinet collapsed
\nin 1947.<\/p>\n
The book also contains an article by Amien Rais reproduced
\nfrom a 1982 edition of Panji Masyarakat magazine. In it, Amien
\nargues that neither the Koran or the teachings of the Prophet
\nMuhammad say anything about an Islamic state and there is
\ntherefore no imperative to form such an entity.<\/p>\n
Provided a state adheres to Islamic ethics, upholds social
\njustice and an egalitarian society, and distances itself from the
\nexploitation of humankind, any state is good from the Islamic
\npoint of view.<\/p>\n
-- Ruslani<\/p>\n
The reviewer is an editor at the Bentang Budaya Foundation in
\nYogyakarta.<\/p>",
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