Is TNI slowly regaining its grip on politics?<\/p>\n
Imanuddin, Staff Writer, The Jakarta Post, Jakarta<\/p>\n
After years of privilege under Soeharto's rule, the Indonesian
\nMilitary's (TNI) role in politics has been gradually fading since
\n1998. Freedom of speech, which began to flourish in that year,
\nstepped up intellectuals' pressure for the military to leave the
\npolitical stage.<\/p>\n
The military finally relinquished its grip on the police
\nforce, when the police separated from the military in April 1999.
\nThe number of seats occupied by the military in the People's
\nConsultative Assembly (MPR) was reduced from 75 to only 38, and
\nthey will no longer have any by 2009.<\/p>\n
However, President Megawati Soekarnoputri's sudden
\nannouncement agreeing to the planned reestablishment of the
\nIskandar Muda Regional Military Command in the Aceh province of
\nNanggroe Aceh Darussalam has shocked many.<\/p>\n
The recent announcement, as conveyed through Minister of
\nDefense Matori Abdul Djalil, contradicts the ABRI (former name of
\nTNI) Headquarters' 1985 decision to reduce the total number of
\nregional military commands from 16 to 10 in observance of the
\nminimum state budget for the military. The Iskandar Muda Regional
\nMilitary Command was among the military commands affected by the
\nmilitary reorganization in 1985.<\/p>\n
Local Acehnese have expressed fear that the plan to
\nreestablish the military command in Nanggroe Aceh Darussalam,
\nwhich has for years been troubled by separatism, would mean a
\nmore violent and repressive approach of the military in handling
\nseparatist activities in the province.<\/p>\n
Military observers, however, have a different perspective on
\nthe planned reestablishment of the military command. They said it
\nwas an indication that the TNI might be preparing to regain
\ncontrol of the country's political affairs.<\/p>\n
They also said that the government's desire to reestablish the
\nmilitary command in Aceh, and probably elsewhere in the future,
\nwas a clear indication that the military was rebuilding its
\npolitical infrastructure.<\/p>\n
One observer, Kusnanto Anggoro of the Centre for Strategic and
\nInternational Studies (CSIS), said at a recent seminar that the
\nreestablishment of a military command in Aceh was a sensible
\nindication that TNI might be preparing a comeback in the
\ncountry's political arena.<\/p>\n
He also accused TNI of being involved in internal conflicts
\nwithin political parties, which had made politicians eager to
\nserve their own interests and thereby forgetting to further
\nencourage strong civilian institutions. He cited the current
\ninternal conflicts at Golkar, the National Awakening Party (PKB)
\nand the United Development Party (PPP).<\/p>\n
The bargaining position of the military has also been
\nstrengthening, as is obvious from the government's indecisive
\nstand in dealing with the numerous violations of human rights, in
\nwhich the military is suspected.<\/p>\n
Former chairman of the Commission for Missing Persons and
\nVictims of Violence (Kontras) Munir cited the delayed tribunal
\nfor military officers implicated in rights abuses in East Timor
\n(in 1999) as an example.<\/p>\n
The return of TNI to take control of the country's political
\naffairs is also the responsibility of the country's civilian
\ngovernment.<\/p>\n
Kusnanto and Munir said that the deployment of about 1,000
\ntroops last July in the vicinity of the state palace was to
\nintimidate then president Abdurrahman Wahid, who was facing
\nimpeachment at the time, into immediately resigning. Abdurrahman
\nwas known as a leader who wanted to see the military out of
\npolitics.<\/p>\n
Abdurrahman was later removed from office during a Special
\nSession of the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR) last July. He
\nwas replaced by his deputy Megawati Soekarnoputri.<\/p>\n
But what are the reasons for TNI to regain its grip on the
\ncountry's political affairs?<\/p>\n
Many high-ranking and promising TNI officers have expressed
\ntheir commitment with a reform movement. While citing the reforms
\nthat TNI has been implementing in the military, they have also
\nexpressed their commitment to focus on and develop their
\nprofessionalism in military affairs and to quit politics.<\/p>\n
Whether there is a connection or not in this issue, the fact
\nthat history repeats itself is an undeniable fact.<\/p>\n
Then president Abdurrahman's moves to \"hastily\" bring TNI out
\nof politics angered officers, at least those, either retired or
\nactive, who have an influence on the military.<\/p>\n
It was Abdurrahman's defense minister, Mahfud MD, who revealed
\nin October 2000 that the former president had made some 127
\nactive generals quit their military career after offering them
\ncivilian posts. But Abdurrahman's decision to \"simplify\" the
\ngovernment's organizational structure has rendered them without a
\nposition.<\/p>\n
TNI Headquarters questioned the accuracy of the figure
\nrevealed by Mahfud, but it admitted that there were a few dozen
\ngenerals with no positions.<\/p>\n
If we look back on the incidents of the early 1950s, a series
\nof rationalizations in the military had destabilized the
\npolitical condition during that period and eventually contributed
\nto the downfall of founding president Sukarno.<\/p>\n
The rationalization of 1950, which reduced the total number of
\nmilitary personnel from 500,000 to 200,000, caused an abundance
\nof retired officers. Many of them, who were dissatisfied with
\ntheir early retirement, joined forces with opposition groups,
\ncriticizing and condemning the ruling government.<\/p>\n
A planned rationalization in 1952 to reduce the number of
\ntroops from 200,000 to only 120,00 shook the military and
\ngovernment.<\/p>\n
Sukarno was ousted from presidency during a Special Session of
\nthe Provisional People's Consultative Assembly (MPRS) in 1967
\nafter a nationwide campaign against communism a few years before,
\nwhich peaked with the controversial abortive coup of the now
\ndefunct Indonesian Communist Party (PKI) in September 1965.<\/p>\n
The fact that TNI will no longer have seats in the legislative
\nbody within the next few years has likely put it in a difficult
\nposition in which its officers could be deployed.<\/p>\n
Then Army chief of staff Gen. Rudini, who was among the
\ninitiators of the 1985 reorganization of the military, once said
\nthat the restructuring of ABRI should not harm its members. He
\nwas referring to the events in the early 1950s.<\/p>\n
Megawati, who is the daughter of Sukarno, must have learned
\nfrom her father's case. She must put all her efforts into winning
\nthe support of TNI, at least until she completes her term in
\n2004.<\/p>\n
And that is probably the reason why her government has
\nendorsed the planned reestablishment of the Iskandar Muda
\nRegional Military Command in the troubled province of Nanggroe
\nAceh Darussalam.<\/p>",
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