Is there a new horizon?<\/p>\n
The 20-year sectarian conflict in the southern Philippines may
\nfinally come to an end if the Manila and Moro delegates now
\nmeeting in Jakarta are as sincere and determined as they say.
\nThere are so many reasons to be optimistic that the war for a
\nseparate state and eventual autonomy for the Moro, which has
\nclaimed more than 50,000 lives, will end after a final and
\ncomprehensive solution is found.<\/p>\n
The two sides, with Indonesia acting as host repeatedly, have
\nresolved 80 percent to 90 percent of the problem, and by virtue
\nof farsightedness and wisdom, they should arrive at the
\ndesignated destination: peace.<\/p>\n
But, if the talks fail, the government in Manila and the
\nsouthern people led by the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF)
\ncan be expected to wage a new war of attrition, leaving behind
\nthe dream of a stable Philippines amid the fast changing scene of
\nthe Asia-Pacific area. If the talks run aground, many moderate
\nfollowers of the MNLF will surely retreat into the jungle to wage
\nmore guerrilla warfare. Such a failure would also convince the
\nAbu Sayaf, the Islamic Command Council, radical groups and other
\nmilitants among the Moro that their hard-line policy is justified
\nand should continue.<\/p>\n
With stability and peace in the south, much could be done to
\ndevelop the country's economy. The area has a good future and the
\ngovernment has made a plan to rebuild it. And because the MNLF's
\nleader, Misuari, is very much convinced of Manila's sincerity, he
\nis pretty sure to be able to make the radical Moro groups finally
\naccept the peace agreement.<\/p>\n
But two problems remaining between the government and the MNLF
\nare crucial. The establishment of an autonomous region and the
\nallocation of revenues to the region are very sensitive and
\ncomplicated. The MNLF is seeking to expand Moslem autonomy from
\nfour provinces on the southern island of Mindanao to 13 provinces
\nand nine cities on the main island and nearby smaller ones.<\/p>\n
The peace talks are based on the Libyan-brokered agreement
\nsigned in Tripoli by Philippine government delegates and Misuari
\nin 1976. This pact provides for Moro autonomy in the southern
\nPhilippines. But the structure and mechanism for implementing and
\nenforcing autonomy are not easy to work out.<\/p>\n
President Fidel Ramos has said that autonomy would be decided
\nby a plebiscite because his government respects the basic rights
\nand the local people should be consulted. But the MNLF is against
\nthis method because it expects the vote to follow sectarian
\nlines, thus leading to their final defeat due to the fact the
\nsouth is now dominated by the 75-percent non-Moro majority.<\/p>\n
Based on the above-mentioned contrast between calamity and a
\nnew horizon, both parties should try very hard to make the
\ncurrent meeting a success.<\/p>\n
A solution to this problem can only be reached by the
\nwillingness to compromise on each party's demands and the
\ndemonstration of great tolerance. But judging by Philippine
\ngovernment officials' statements, they seem to be hoping for more
\nsacrifice on the part of the MNLF.<\/p>\n
Sacrifice should come from both sides and any peace pact
\nshould leave the people in the south feeling that not only do
\nthey have self rule, but that justice has been done.<\/p>",
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"sponsor": "Okusi Associates",
"sponsor_url": "https:\/\/okusiassociates.com"
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