Is Jakarta shaping Indonesia's future<\/p>\n
By Ignas Kleden<\/p>\n
JAKARTA (JP): Jakarta celebrated its 470th anniversary on June
\n22, 1997. It is a relatively young city when compared to other
\nworld metropolises and capital cities, though the criteria of
\nbeing old and young are very elastic. Berlin, the capital city of
\nthe reunited Germany, is considered relatively young according to
\nEuropean standards, though the metropolis was founded at the end
\nof the 12th century and became a union in 1307. For Southeast
\nAsia, Jakarta might be considered an old city in comparison to
\nBangkok which was founded in 1782 or Singapore which was built by
\nRaffles in 1819.<\/p>\n
But history is only one aspect of the city's development. Like
\nmany big cities of developing countries, Jakarta has become a
\ncenter for many things, including business, administration,
\neducation, finance, economic growth, population growth, art,
\nliterature, media, intellectual life as well as criminality,
\npolitical uproar, environmental degradation, the socioeconomic
\ngap and traffic jams.<\/p>\n
Jakarta Governor Surjadi Soedirdja recently highlighted
\nJakarta's impressive economic growth and improving quality of
\nlife. He said, for example, that the 1996 per capita income in
\nJakarta was Rp 8,500,000 (US$ 3,512). This figure is impressive,
\nbut it is tragic when compared to the income per capita in remote
\nprovinces such as West Nusa Tenggara and East Nusa Tenggara. In
\nother words, is Jakarta an indicator of national development or
\nis it a special case on its own? Of course Jakartans can say with
\ngood conscience that they are responsible for development in the
\ncapital, and let the people in other provinces take care of their
\nown economy.<\/p>\n
But we are accustomed to the so-called family principle. It is
\ntherefore improper for one member to ignore what is happening to
\nother family members, especially when they are living in much
\nless fortunate circumstances. The problem of redistribution in
\ngeneral and regional redistribution in particular will concern us
\nfor a long time. One cannot explain away the challenge by saying
\nthat everything takes time.<\/p>\n
The same can be said of the decreasing number of people living
\nbelow the poverty line. The governor said that in 1996 only 2.48
\npercent of Jakartans lived below the poverty line. This means
\n243,040 people of Jakarta's 9.8 million people were living below
\nthe poverty line. Given the 43 subdistricts in Jakarta, with
\n228,000 people on average populating each subdistrict, this means
\nthat among the 43 subdistricts in Jakarta, only one subdistrict
\nwas still living below the poverty line last year.<\/p>\n
Speaking in analogical terms, the problem of poverty has now
\nbecome so minimized in Jakarta, that it takes only a head of the
\nsubdistrict, and not a mayor or a governor, to solve it. If the
\nchief of the subdistrict is clever enough, perhaps in two or
\nthree years every person in Jakarta will be above the poverty
\nline, and we can happily begin to embark upon the next stages of
\nprosperity. We are evidently lucky if that is really the case
\nwith Jakarta.<\/p>\n
But figures, just like language, can be used both to show and
\nto conceal the realities. One can eliminate a percentage of poor
\npeople from the statistics just by introducing a new definition
\nwith softer criteria and different variables, just as one can add
\nso many percentage of poor people by introducing more rigid
\nvariables and another definition. But in doing so, one does not
\nchange the real situation of the poor, just like you can't help
\nsalvage the people who are starving by saying they are just
\nlacking some sort of food. Working with figures is of course
\npractical, but it often runs the risk of equating the real
\nrealities with their numerical representation.<\/p>\n
But in one regard, Jakarta looks like a miniature Indonesia
\nbecause it is here that ethnic groups from throughout the
\narchipelago meet. Coming to the capital city, they bring with
\nthem their cultural habits, their culinary traditions, their
\npatterns of social interaction, as well as the legacy of their
\ntraditional art. The genesis of Jakarta as a melting pot is now
\nbeing continued as it becomes a place for harmonia oppositorum, a
\nplace where contradicting elements might coexist peacefully.
\nNeedless to say, to be peaceful certain requirements should be
\nmet in order that the people are able to cope with the changes
\nthey are facing.<\/p>\n
The first change undergone by the newcomers relates to the
\nphysical culture. Jakarta's physical environment is totally
\ndifferent from that in the village. One has to elbow one's way in
\nthe street, in a manner which might be impertinent in the
\nvillages. People come across other people without saying hello or
\nasking much ado about the order of the day. In other words,
\nsocial interaction is changing, whether one is willing to accept
\nit or not.<\/p>\n
The most difficult change relates to the way of thinking, the
\nbeliefs, and the worldview, things which become the innermost
\npart of a culture. This includes individual responsibility and
\nself-interest, a concept of time and punctuality, a concept of
\nspace and limited housing, private ownership and its businesslike
\nattitude, competitiveness and alertness toward opportunities,
\nstraightforwardness in speaking and practical attitude toward
\nmaterial culture and the willingness to deal with new
\ndevelopment. Nothing is so established as might be the case in
\nthe villages.<\/p>\n
As Jakarta celebrates its 470th anniversary, the question now
\nis whether the capital is powerful enough to change people's
\nmind-set or if it will become a refuge for those wanting to
\nescape social control of the traditional economy in the villages
\nwithout coming to terms with the challenges of an urban, market
\neconomy.<\/p>",
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