Indonesia's image problem overseas: Can SBY fix it?<\/p>\n
S.P. Seth, Sydney<\/p>\n
Among the myriad problems facing President Susilo Bambang
\nYudhhoyono, the one that doesn't receive adequate attention
\nconcerns its external image. Frankly, Indonesia has an image
\nproblem abroad.<\/p>\n
After independence, the country had its ups and downs. Under
\nPresident Sukarno Indonesia became one of the pioneers of the
\nnon-aligned movement, starting with the Bandung conference of
\n1955. However, it tended to drift into lost causes, partly
\ndictated by its internal political compulsions. The growth of a
\nlarge communist movement, inclined towards communist China,
\nbecame a factor in President Sukarno's honeymoon with Beijing.
\nWhich put Indonesia at odds with the United States-led free
\nworld.<\/p>\n
But the abortive communist coup of 1965 radically altered the
\ninternal political landscape. It brought in Soeharto's
\ndictatorship. The communist party and its supporters were
\nsystematically hunted. China was shunned, being somehow connected
\nwith the communist coup. The new Soeharto regime won US support,
\nwith its embassy and intelligence community reportedly helping
\nthe military regime (they supplied lists of communist members and
\ntheir sympathizers) with the extermination of their communist
\nfoes.<\/p>\n
Indonesia thus became an honorary member of the free-world
\nduring the Cold War period. Since it didn't join any formal
\nsecurity pact or alliance, it also remained non-aligned.<\/p>\n
At the same time, it sought to expand its regional role
\nthrough the formation of the Association of South East Asian
\nNations (ASEAN). ASEAN too came to be viewed by some as a
\nregional extension of the free world, a political counter of
\nsorts to stem the tide of communism in Asia.<\/p>\n
Much later, in the nineties, Asia Pacific Economic Forum
\n(APEC) became a promising regional forum to promote free trade.
\nIndonesia became quite prominent with the Bogor Conference,
\nconsidered significant in the free trade trajectory.<\/p>\n
There was no Cold War in the nineties. APEC was spawned to
\nadvance the cause of regional trade liberalization. Asia-Pacific
\nwas experiencing high economic growth rates, and there was much
\ntalk of the approaching 21st century being the Pacific century.<\/p>\n
Indonesia was among the front ranks of the upcoming Asian
\neconomies, and Soeharto was the father of its modernization.
\nThere was a lot of buzz in Asia about the relevance and
\nuniqueness of Asian values, accounting for its political
\nstability and economic growth.<\/p>\n
But that was a spurious debate, and the Asian economic crisis
\nof 1997 and 1998 put paid to it. Indonesia became its largest
\nvictim, with Soeharto forced to quit.<\/p>\n
The two things going in Indonesia's favor no longer operated.
\nThe Cold War had been over for some years now, and Indonesia was
\nno longer a strategic asset in that context. Its economic miracle
\n(as it was) too disappeared. It was now plunged into an uncertain
\ntransition-its future anybody's guess.<\/p>\n
In this state of vulnerability, Indonesia found itself having
\nto grapple with East Timor. In 1975 when it annexed the former
\nPortuguese colony, it didn't create much international furor. The
\nindependence movement there was left-leaning. The 'free world'
\ndidn't want to take a chance on East Timor's independence lest it
\nmight complicate the Cold War strategic balance in the region.<\/p>\n
Therefore it looked the other way, allowing Jakarta to get on
\nwith the task of incorporating and managing it. It would have
\nbeen very difficult for Indonesia to annex East Timor in the
\nmidst of opposition from the United States and Australia and the
\nrest of the Western camp.<\/p>\n
But with Indonesia in turmoil after the Asian economic crisis
\nand Soeharto's fall, East Timorese resistance now had an actively
\nsympathetic international constituency. It is no secret that
\nJakarta's rule was very unpopular in East Timor. It held a
\nreferendum (with President B.J. Habibie apparently keen on it--
\nin a state of pique it would seem) and lost it.<\/p>\n
With reports of large scale militia killings and devastation
\n(with TNI's alleged encouragement\/involvement), Indonesia's image
\ngot another battering. Indonesia was also plunged into communal
\nviolence between Muslims and Christians in Ambon and elsewhere.
\nAceh and Papua continue to complicate the picture.<\/p>\n
Indonesia, therefore, has some time been seen as a failing
\nstate; though the recent direct election of Susilo as the new
\nPresident has raised hopes. Internationally (in the United States
\nand Australia, particularly), Susilo is seen in a positive light
\nas someone committed to fight terrorism.<\/p>\n
Which brings us to a new facet of Indonesia's international
\nimage as the ideological center of South East Asian terrorism,
\ninspired and directed by Jamaah Islamiyah. The organization is
\nbelieved to be headed by the cleric Abu Bakar Ba'asyir, who is on
\ntrial for Bali and Marriott hotel bombings. It seems that
\nSusilo's credibility with the United States and Australia would
\ndepend on having Ba'asyir convicted of terrorism and put behind
\nthe bars forever.<\/p>\n
Undoubtedly, Ba'asyir deserves to be convicted if found guilty
\nby proper judicial procedures and processes. Otherwise, it only
\ncreates a halo around him as someone fighting valiantly against
\nnot only his own government but also the mighty United States and
\nits regional ally, Australia. And he is making good use of
\nplaying to the popular gallery.<\/p>\n
Appearing before the relevant court to deny charges of his
\ninvolvement in the Bali and Marriott hotel bombings, dismissing
\nthem as a \"joke, he said, \"Many charges that were cleared in the
\nprevious trial are again being repeated with reckless abandon.
\nLegal boundaries are being crushed for the sake of accommodating
\nGod's enemy, the Bush regime...\" Ba'asyir's eight-page
\npolitical\/judicial defense might sound like a rant, but it would
\nlook to many in Indonesia as pitting David against Goliath.<\/p>\n
Most Indonesians are moderate in their religious views and are
\nagainst terrorism. But they have many more pressing problems of
\nday to day living, and terrorism is not an overriding priority.
\nIt is certainly an important issue but not something which should
\nsubsume all the nation's energies. And they don't like their
\ncountry and their religion being portrayed as the source of
\nregional terrorism.<\/p>\n
Therefore, it is not wise for the United States and its allies
\nto portray Susilo as their guy doing their bidding to eradicate
\nterrorism in Indonesia. This will simply erode his image and
\ncredibility over a period of time among his people. And that is
\nnot what the United States would want.<\/p>\n
The author, freelance writer, can be reached at
\nSushilPSeth@aol.com<\/p>",
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