Indonesian unveils defense document<\/p>\n
Leonard C. Sebastian provides an analysis of the first defense
\nWhite Paper recently put out by the Indonesian government.<\/p>\n
Indonesia is only the second country in Southeast Asia after
\nThailand that now has a public defense document that it can
\ndefend in the international arena and use as a reference for
\nfuture dialog on national defense planning.<\/p>\n
The 55-page English-language defense White Paper, The Policy
\nof the State Defense and Security of the Republic of Indonesia,
\ncovers developments in the strategic environment, defense and
\nsecurity policy, defense and security force posture, defense and
\nsecurity development under the sixth five-year development plan,
\nand the Indonesian Armed Forces in national development
\nexplaining the rationale for the Armed Forces' doctrine of dwi-
\nfungsi by which they have a sociopolitical as well as a military
\nfunction.<\/p>\n
Until now, defense planning documents prepared within Hankam
\nor the Ministry of Defense were not publicly available and were
\nused primarily as internal working papers.<\/p>\n
The White Paper, published on Oct. 24, is an important
\nstatement of intent by Indonesia to its regional neighbors aimed
\nat generating a greater understanding of Indonesia's defense and
\nsecurity priorities. Writing in the preface to Indonesia's first
\npublic defense planning document, Defense Minister General Edi
\nSudrajat stressed that the White Paper "is intended to promote
\nwider understanding of Indonesia's defense and security policy in
\nsupport of development of the state's defense and security
\ncapabilities and of mutual understanding with other nations,
\nparticularly neighboring nations."<\/p>\n
By publishing its first formal defense White Paper, Indonesia
\nintends to articulate clearly that it takes the ASEAN Regional
\nForum (ARF) seriously. Two years ago, the countries taking part
\nin the ARF agreed to work towards the publication of national
\ndefense planning documents.<\/p>\n
The White Paper builds on a now familiar theme of "layered
\nsecurity" or what was known during General Benny Murdani's tenure
\nas Armed Forces Commander as stabilitas berlapis or layered
\nstability. This connotes a "concentric circles" or "defense in
\ndepth" approach where "the deepest layer is domestic security,
\nfollowed by sub-regional (ASEAN) security, regional (Southeast
\nAsian) security and the security of the neighboring regions in
\nthis order". Taking domestic concerns as paramount, the report
\nargues that "medium-term instability in Indonesia will tend to be
\ncaused by internal rather than external factors".<\/p>\n
In its very essence, defense and security policy must first
\nand foremost serve the nation itself, national unity and
\nterritorial integrity.<\/p>\n
According to the White Paper, the strength of the Army by the
\nend of the Sixth Five-Year Development Plan is expected to
\nincrease from 235,237 to 243,000 personnel. The bulk of the
\nArmy's forces are assigned to territorial duties. These forces
\nare reinforced when the need arises by a strategic strike force
\n(Kostrad) comprised of two combat divisions and two special
\nforces (Kopassus) commando groups. The navy's strength, estimated
\nat 47,000, comprises two Regional Fleets, one Marine Corps and
\none Military Sealift Command. An air force of 23,000 personnel
\ncomprises two Air Operation Commands. Each consists of one
\nstrategic combat squadron and two tactical combat squadrons, one
\nair transport unit and one early-warning radar network.<\/p>\n
The White Paper does not give a substantial breakdown of the
\ndefense force structure or the budget. Neither does it outline
\nplans for new capital equipment unlike, for instance, the
\nAustralian Defense White Paper issued in late 1994. It simply
\nstates that defense planning averaged US$1.8 billion between 1988
\nand 1990.<\/p>\n
According to figures cited by the report, Indonesia's defense
\nspending is relatively low compared with its neighbors. Indonesia
\nspends only $10 a year per capita on defense, while Thailand
\nspends $40, Malaysia $99 and Singapore $511. Defense
\nspending, though, is unlikely to remain at 1.7 percent of gross
\ndomestic product and is anticipated to increase to between 2 and
\n3 percent of GDP.<\/p>\n
One reason for the low defense spending figures can be found
\nin Indonesia's own unique strategic culture. Indonesia's
\nstrategic concepts, developed in the late 1950s, are based on a
\ntotal people's defense and security system (Sishankamrata). In
\nIndonesia, economic development priorities take precedence over
\nthe defense effort. Working from an understanding that funds to
\nequip the military with adequate hardware will not always be
\navailable, Indonesia's defense strategy has required that the
\nability to deter a would-be aggressor should not be based on the
\nsize of the conventional military forces it could muster, but on
\nthe resistance of the whole population.<\/p>\n
Historical antecedents, geographical setting and a political
\nideology as well as knowledge that the poorly-equipped Indonesian
\nforces could never hope to match a technologically-advanced
\ninvader, have all conspired to mold a unique territorial defense
\ndoctrine that is non-provocative in nature and tailor-made for
\nIndonesia's national security needs.<\/p>\n
The White Paper's strategic overview is premised on the
\nrationale that "Indonesia's defense and security strategy is not
\nbalance of power but balance of interests". Hence the emphasis on
\n"international dialog among nations maintaining regional peace".
\nThere is, however, guarded optimism about the current regional
\nsecurity environment.<\/p>\n
It makes a positive assessment regarding cooperation with
\nSingapore and Malaysia and the benefits that would accrue to all
\nparties from the Singapore, Johor and Riau (SIJORI) development
\ngrowth triangle. Mention is also made of the strong bilateral
\nmilitary cooperation between Indonesia and Singapore which will
\ncontribute to the development of the "concept of bilateral CBM
\n(confidence- building measures)".<\/p>\n
The White Paper also points to three issues that "could cause
\nfriction among nations which, in turn, can effect internal
\nconditions, including domestic security". The first refers
\nobliquely to the possibilities of potential military conflict in
\nthe South China Sea between countries determined to secure
\nguaranteed access to "industrial raw materials and energy
\nsources".<\/p>\n
The second pertains to issues of democratization and human
\nrights which will continue to be "conspicuous as long as there is
\nno agreement, particularly between West and East, on their
\napplication based on differing cultures". The third concerns
\n"preservation of the environment as it relates to economic
\ndevelopment".<\/p>\n
The report remains ambiguous regarding the U.S. role in the
\nregion making reference to the decline of the U.S. defense budget
\nwhich "only changes the method of maintaining military
\ncapabilities in the Asia-Pacific region, and does not lessen U.S.
\ninterest in controlling the situation in the region".<\/p>\n
In the final assessment, the White Paper clearly illustrates
\nthat Indonesia's defense and security policy is non-provocative.
\nYet, because of its size, whether or not Indonesia's defense
\nposture should be regarded as non-offensive is determined
\nprimarily by the perception of its smaller neighbors.<\/p>\n
While analysts will argue that the defense White Paper is not
\nas comprehensive or detailed as they would have liked, it is
\nimportant to bear in mind that the significance of this report is
\nnot necessarily what is contained in its pages, but of the
\nwillingness of Indonesia to make its defense planning process
\nmore transparent. This in turn has the beneficial effect of
\ninstilling confidence and assurance on the part of Indonesia's
\nneighbors.<\/p>\n
Leonard C. Sebastian is a Fellow at the Institute of Southeast
\nAsian Studies, Singapore.<\/p>",
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"sponsor": "Okusi Associates",
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