Indonesian military turning its back on reforms<\/p>\n
Lee Kim Chew
\nThe Straits Times
\nAsia News Network
\nSingapore<\/p>\n
Thinking of reforms in the Indonesian military? Banish the
\nthought -- for now at least.<\/p>\n
To the chagrin of many Indonesians, the country's once-
\nomnipotent generals are seeking new laws to enhance a power that
\nwas whittled down after former president Soeharto's fall.<\/p>\n
The generals are pushing for a controversial bill which, among
\nother things, authorizes the military commander to deploy troops
\nin an emergency without the President's approval.<\/p>\n
The Army Chief of Staff, Gen. Ryamizard Ryacudu, argues that
\nthe military's internal role should be restored to deal with the
\nthreat of separatism and other security problems -- a sharp
\nreminder of the dwifungsi role (the dual function as a security-
\ncum-sociopolitical force) the military had during Soeharto times.<\/p>\n
Politicians and academics say this will set back the
\ndemocratization process to put the military firmly under civilian
\nauthority.<\/p>\n
Going by the current trend, the fate of military reforms seems
\nclear: This far and no further.<\/p>\n
Whatever that could be done was done at the peak of the
\nreformist fervor during the Gus Dur presidency, but this mood has
\nlargely dissipated and few military reforms are expected from
\nPresident Megawati Soekarnoputri's administration.<\/p>\n
The most significant changes in the military's fortunes after
\nthe fall of then-president Soeharto in 1998 are the end of its
\ndwifungsi role; the removal of about 2,000 military
\nrepresentatives from the central and regional parliaments; the
\nremoval of 3,000 to 4,000 active military officers from the
\nbureaucracy; the separation of the military from the former
\nruling Golkar party; and the removal of the police from military
\ncontrol.<\/p>\n
Provincial governors and district heads are no longer
\nappointed, thus making it much harder for retired military men to
\nhold such posts.<\/p>\n
Since the loss of East Timor, the trial of military officers
\nin the civilian courts for human rights abuses subjects them to
\nthe rule of law.<\/p>\n
These are substantial changes which pare down the military's
\ninfluence, notes Dr Harold Crouch, a specialist on the Indonesian
\nmilitary at the Australian National University in Canberra.<\/p>\n
He says: "Many military officers might be unhappy about the
\nreforms, but they seem to have accepted them.<\/p>\n
"However, the prospects of further reform -- particularly, the
\ndismantling of the territorial system and the removal of control
\nof domestic intelligence from the military -- are not strong, not
\nto speak of reforming the military budget."<\/p>\n
Thus, key areas have been left untouched, even though the
\nabolition of military representation in parliament is a major
\nstep towards democratic reform.<\/p>\n
The dwifungsi concept may have been scrapped officially, but
\nthe truth is that Indonesia's military has never really abandoned
\nit.<\/p>\n
Historian John Roosa, guest editor of Inside Indonesia, a
\nquarterly magazine produced by Australian scholars, notes: "They
\nall still believe that the military should have a policing role
\nwithin Indonesia, meaning at least that the territorial structure
\nshould remain intact."<\/p>\n
One of the most crucial questions is whether the territorial
\ncommand structure, which extends military control right down to
\nthe villages, is going to be dismantled.<\/p>\n
The military is not keen on this because it reduces the ambit
\nof its authority throughout the Indonesian archipelago. A smaller
\nturf will also cut into its wide-ranging business interests, from
\nwhich the military derives income for its budget.<\/p>\n
Under intense public pressure, some generals have toyed with
\nthe idea of introducing gradual reforms to the territorial
\ncommand by withdrawing troops from the lowest rung first, and
\nfrom certain regions that are peaceful.<\/p>\n
But this never happened.<\/p>\n
Their powers have been curtailed somewhat with the formal
\nseparation of the military and police roles. The division of
\nlabour, however, aggravates a turf war between the two sides over
\ntheir commercial projects and protection rackets.<\/p>\n
Since President Megawati took office in 2001, the top military
\nbrass has stopped contemplating reforms, says Roosa.<\/p>\n
What the generals want now is non-interference from the
\ncivilians in military matters, particularly in the way they raise
\nfunds and plan their budget. Strong political leadership is
\nneeded to impose its will on the military, but this is not on the
\ncards.<\/p>\n
To be sure, the Indonesian military's stalled reforms will
\nadversely affect its image, which is already battered by its East
\nTimor atrocities and its excesses in Aceh and Papua.<\/p>\n
But Indonesia's generals, who have mostly got over the crisis
\nfacing their institution in the wake of East Timor's
\nindependence, aren't particularly bothered. This is yet another
\nreason for the status quo.<\/p>\n
"I don't see any sign of reform in the near future," says
\nRoosa.<\/p>",
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