Indonesia-U.S. relations on a collision course?<\/p>\n
The following article is based on a paper presented by former
\ncabinet minister Mohammad Sadli at a recent conference in
\nHouston, Texas. The conference on Indonesia was sponsored by the
\nAsia Society and the Jakarta-based Center for Strategic and
\nInternational Studies.<\/p>\n
HOUSTON, Texas: Are Indonesia-U.S. relations on a collision
\ncourse?<\/p>\n
If appearances are not deceiving, this seems to be the case.<\/p>\n
In terms of foreign policy stances, the U.S. is charging
\nforward and Indonesia is becoming more defensive.<\/p>\n
President Clinton appears to prefer a \"war-like posture\", as
\nis the case with his domestic policies. He seems to feel the need
\nto win this war and that war.<\/p>\n
The trouble with war gaming is that one party in any dispute
\nhas to lose. If the disputing parties would just sit down quietly
\nand be willing to strike bargains, a \"win-win situation\" could be
\ncreated for everybody.<\/p>\n
Indonesia and ASEAN prefer a \"constructive engagement\" policy
\nas applied to Cambodia and Myanmar, for instance. One does not
\nconfront a contending party with a take-it-or-leave-it
\nproportion.<\/p>\n
One tries to understand the other party's internal problems
\nand attempts to cultivate and encourage the will to reform.<\/p>\n
The Chinese and the Indonesians are certainly willing to
\nreform. They realize that their future lies with an open economy
\nand integration into the world trading system.<\/p>\n
They recognize that domestic prosperity will depend on
\nprogressively unleashing the potentials of the people. It is
\nclear that the people must enjoy certain freedoms and the rule of
\nlaw.<\/p>\n
But reforms must be handled so as not to jeopardize economic
\nand political stability. In principle everybody could easily
\nagree on this. Unfortunately, the West often appears to be more
\nimpatient with the results than the affected party in Asia, be it
\nChina or Indonesia, with respect to democracy and human rights
\nissues, or Japan, in connection with the opening up of its
\nmarkets.<\/p>\n
Asia feels self-confident enough not to go overboard. For that
\nreason it can be expected to undertake reform for its own
\nperceived self-interest and at its own pace.<\/p>\n
If the U.S. threatens economic sanctions, Asia will feel
\nuncomfortable because it needs the U.S. market. But at some
\npoint, its economic pragmatism may lose out to political pride,
\nthus motivating Asia to adopt a more stubborn attitude.<\/p>\n
The U.S. also risks East Asia ganging up against it in a
\nresponse to the war-like stance. The Bush administration was dead
\nset against Mahathir's idea of forming an East Asian Economic
\nGrouping because that would split the Pacific Basin right in the
\nmiddle.<\/p>\n
Japan, the Newly Industrialized Economy nations and Indonesia
\nalso would not like to see a confrontation and they have watered
\ndown the original Malaysian concept, making it a \"Caucus within
\nAPEC\", whatever that means.<\/p>\n
But at least the Bush administration was not an ideological
\ncrusader like the present administration appears to be.<\/p>\n
Some circles in the U.S. and in Indonesia got worried recently
\nthat the bilateral relations were being spoiled by the United
\nStates. America's accusations that Indonesia was still violating
\nhuman rights in East Timor and in other provinces rubbed the
\nadministration of the archipelago the wrong way. Voices from the
\nU.S. are still heard to be saying that workers' rights are not
\nproperly safeguarded, leading to exploitation of employees and to
\n\"social dumping\" of labor intensive goods on foreign markets.<\/p>\n
The Asia Society in New York, the Jakarta-based Center for
\nStrategic and International Studies, and the newly established
\nU.S.-Indonesia Society, sponsored by a few former U.S.
\nambassadors in Jakarta and well-known Indonesian personalities,
\nsuch as Sumitro Djojohadikusumo and Emil Salim, have taken the
\ninitiative to launch a campaign of public information and public
\neducation in the United States.<\/p>\n
This will be a year-long commitment for the Asia Society,
\nwhile the new U.S.-Indonesia Society will find it a continuing
\npreoccupation.<\/p>\n
The idea is that the American public, the press and ultimately
\nthe decision makers should not only be influenced by what they
\nknow about East Timor and the alleged abuses of human and
\nworkers' rights, but should also take into fuller account the
\nmore positive aspects of Indonesia's existence. This view should
\ninclude its role in the Asia-Pacific region, seen in terms of
\neconomic, political, as well as security, interests.<\/p>\n
The U.S., in its ideological zeal, would like to see East Asia
\nfull of democratic societies in the image of itself.<\/p>\n
In this respect, Indonesia has to remember that about 50 years
\nago the U.S. pressed the Dutch to negotiate with the Indonesians
\nrather than fighting a war. The threat of withholding Marshall
\nPlan Aid was dangled in the face of the Dutch if they did not
\ncomply.<\/p>\n
The Indonesians were then thankful for this American (and
\nAustralian) political support. Now, both the U.S. and Australia
\nare trying to persuade the Jakarta government to modify some of
\nits policies with respect to East Timor, the union movement and
\nothers.<\/p>\n
This time around, we may not like the intervention and feel
\nthe need to cry foul because of perceived undue interference in
\ndomestic affairs. But at the end of the day we must keep our
\nheads cool and see things in a wider perspective.<\/p>\n
We will then be able to answer the Americans that we have no
\nquarrel about the ultimate objectives, but couldn't they do this
\nin another style, a style more engaging, more educative and more
\nworking with incentives, that is, dangling a carrot rather than
\nswinging a big stick?<\/p>\n
Thoughtful American friends counsel their Indonesian friends
\nnot to overreact to brash American political gestures because the
\nlatter may be the preferred style of some politicians in
\nWashington.<\/p>\n
The quieter, behind doors diplomacy should continue thrashing
\nout accommodations through which both parties stand to gain.<\/p>\n
Indonesia emphasizes South-South cooperation as an important
\nmeans for helping each other in economic development, and
\ncreating peace among developing countries.<\/p>\n
On the other hand, Indonesia also recognizes that North-South
\ncooperation is equally important because developing countries
\nneed a lot of resource transfer for that development.<\/p>\n
The Asia-Pacific cooperation scheme is a North-South
\nproposition, and that is why Indonesia is favorably disposed
\ntowards APEC.<\/p>\n
If the leaders of APEC can understand each other, respect each
\nother's feelings, and are willing to chip in for the common good,
\nthe APEC leadership meetings may become the cornerstone of a
\npeaceful and prosperous Asia-Pacific community.<\/p>\n
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