Indonesia should step up its human rights diplomacy<\/p>\n
Budiono Kusumohamidjojo, Jakarta<\/p>\n
On Jan. 17, Makarim Wibisono, one of Indonesia's outstanding
\ncareer diplomats, was elected chairman of the United Nations
\nCommission on Human Rights (UNCHR) for 2005. The strategic
\nimportance of the UNCHR nowadays is second only to the Security
\nCouncil. It is in within the framework of this challenging
\ndevelopment that Puja Wesaka, director for human rights at the
\nIndonesian Foreign Ministry, convened a well-attended seminar on
\nits strategic meaning on Feb. 7.<\/p>\n
People used to believe that a country's foreign policy
\nreflects its domestic political constellation and that
\nconsequently diplomats represent their countries' political
\ninterests. However, Makarim's election to the prestigious office
\nby acclamation reflects the international recognition of his
\npersonal gifts and reputation and does not necessarily indicate
\nan acknowledgment of Indonesia's accomplishments in the human
\nrights field. As a result, Makarim's chairmanship of the UNCHR
\ncan be seen as an honor for him on the one hand, but also as a
\ntremendous challenge on the other hand.<\/p>\n
He will be expected to bring together and preside over a forum
\nof about 3,000 participants comprising different political actors
\nand stakeholders and make them talk to each other and cooperate
\ndespite their often conflicting opinions and interests. The
\nchairman of the UNCHR is bound to address and deal with various
\ncases of human rights violations from all over the world. His
\nbiggest challenge will stem from the tacit requirement that he
\nact impartially but also effectively in bringing about strategic
\ndecisions geared toward improving the global constellation as
\nregards respect of human rights.<\/p>\n
The irony is that Indonesia's unimpressive record on human
\nrights is unlikely to provide Makarim with the empirical and
\nsubstantive support he needs. He will also have to cope with
\nchallenges for which he should not be made accountable
\npersonally. It is precisely because he is an Indonesian diplomat
\nchairing the UNCHR that he may have to respond to people asking
\nabout Aceh, Papua, Poso and probably also the Munir case.<\/p>\n
Indonesia's turn to chair the UNCHR in 2005 could also easily
\nturn out to be an opportunity for international pressure to be
\napplied against us to improve our own performance as regards
\nrespect for and protection of the human rights of our own people.
\nThe struggle for independence and the 1945 Constitution were
\nbased on respect for human rights! It is simply a rule of thumb
\nthat one should put things at home in order first before trying
\nto do so around the neighborhood.<\/p>\n
Notwithstanding the delicate domestic situation, it would be
\npremature and unfair to make negative prognostications regarding
\nthe effectiveness of Makarim's leadership of the UNCHR in 2005.
\nHowever, it is indubitably the case that he is aware of the that
\nhe will most likely have to face international pressure addressed
\nto the Indonesian government to seriously implement programs to
\nimprove the human rights situation in our country.<\/p>\n
On the positive side, Makarim's appointment as UNCHR chairman
\nmay indeed lead to improvements in the sense that Indonesia may
\nfeel the need for change. In other words, the benefits of
\nIndonesia chairing the UNCHR in 2005 may mostly accrue to
\nIndonesia itself. But again, this is a sort of predictive
\nreasoning. The UNCHR sessions and proceedings in 2005 are
\nexpected to produce more than 100 resolutions. We should
\nremember, however, that resolutions have a rather poor reputation
\nin the history of the UN. Nevertheless, Ambassador Wirjono
\nSastrohandoyo maintains that resolutions produce a lot of
\npublicity and that publicity can result in wide-ranging social
\npressure. Sustained pressure of this nature can push societies
\ntowards better practices in matters related to human rights and
\nalso in other walks of life. The same possibility may apply in
\nthe case of Indonesia as well.<\/p>\n
If best practices in respect for and protection of human
\nrights become the reality on a daily basis, a new set of values
\nwill come into being. And living values form the solid foundation
\nfor binding laws. Wirjono noted that where there is widespread
\nadherence to the rule of law, there is also evidence of better
\nrespect for and protection of human rights. But is there, indeed,
\na correlation between this process and democracy? There is no
\ndoubt that Indonesia's peaceful progress towards democratization
\nhas elicited praise from around the world.<\/p>\n
In reality, however, there is no guarantee that democracy will
\nresult in best practices regarding human rights as amply
\ndemonstrated in Indonesia during the seven years following the
\ndownfall of the New Order regime in 1998. Former Attorney General
\nMarzuki Darusman argued that the New Order regime provided the
\ninternational public from time to time with a "democratic face of
\nauthoritarianism" in order to cope with sporadic human rights
\nviolations. Not very long ago, the Indonesian Ministry of Foreign
\nAffairs had a hard time trying to rationalize, if not actually to
\ndefend, such anachronisms.<\/p>\n
There is no doubt that the Indonesian foreign ministry has
\nconsistently played a ground breaking role that led to the
\nelection of Makarim to chair the UNCHR in 2005. However, we
\nregret to note that the Indonesian domestic situation regarding
\nhuman rights does not reflect the advances made by the foreign
\nministry.<\/p>\n
It would be tragic if Indonesia's democratization process over
\nthe coming years failed to reflect the good work done by its own
\nforeign ministry. And the world would deeply regret it if
\nIndonesia's peaceful endeavors towards democracy only belied its
\nsubstantive authoritarianism.<\/p>\n
It would be a pity and a lost opportunity for the country to
\nregain the international respect that it once enjoyed,
\nironically, during the era of an "authoritarian regime smiling a
\ndemocratic face". It is in this respect that Indonesia's formal
\nand informal leaders must avail of Makarim's chairmanship of the
\nUNCHR in 2005 so as to ensure the adoption of best practices in
\nmatters regarding human rights.<\/p>\n
What if they fail to comply with these requirements, even
\nthough they are in the interests of our own people? Then we must
\nremember that no country is an island, particularly in this era
\nof globalization, which rules that either you get on board or you
\nget left behind and become isolated.<\/p>\n
If we do not foreign powers to enforce change in the name of
\nglobalization, then it is essential that we induce reasonable
\nchange from within. We wish you good luck, Makarim Wibisono!<\/p>\n
The writer is a board member of the Indonesian Working Group
\non Human Rights Mechanisms.<\/p>",
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