Indonesia: Quest for a civil society<\/p>\n
By Budiono Kusumohamidjojo<\/p>\n
JAKARTA (JP): The 1997 general election has long since past
\nand soon Indonesia will have its new president, vice president
\nand cabinet. However, these political events have been marred by
\na number of domestic riots which were met with a massive
\ndeployment of security forces. A number of people died and
\nenormous material damage was inflicted. Those who suffered most
\nwere, as usual, from among the lower layers of society. We must
\ninvestigate the cause of these riots.<\/p>\n
A common view which explains why the disturbances occurred
\nholds that the Indonesian people are now trapped in an inhumane
\nsituation which contradicts Pancasila, the state ideology, which
\nhas been indoctrinated into all strata of society over the last
\ntwo decades.<\/p>\n
The situation facing the country as the second millennium
\ndraws to a close is evidence that the political system has failed
\nto consistently implement the human values of Pancasila.<\/p>\n
After 30 hard working years put into developing the economy
\nand improving living standards, we have ended up on the brink of
\nnational bankruptcy (again). This is a tragedy because the drive
\nfor development was, and still is, heavily burdened by
\ncorruption, collusion, nepotism, manipulation, hypocrisy and
\nlies. Authoritarianism and the use of force have become more and
\nmore intense over the years, as those involved took ever greater
\nmeasures to defend their political irresponsibilities.<\/p>\n
Nationwide riots over the last two years should be seen as a
\nsobering and unequivocal signal that an end must be put to all
\nsuch scandalous aspects of Indonesian political life.<\/p>\n
A failure to return to fair and sensible principles will
\nundoubtedly block the road to a (masyarakat adil dan makmur), or
\njust and prosperous society, set out in the 1945 Constitution as
\nour country's ultimate political goal. The fear now is that after
\nthe republic's golden anniversary, the majority of the Indonesian
\npeople will not tolerate the current situation any more.<\/p>\n
Within the context of the constitution and society, the
\ngovernment and the people bear an equal responsibility in working
\ntoward a just and prosperous society.<\/p>\n
Under constitutionally enshrined equality, the trickle-down
\ntheory, where the wealth of the elite gradually filters down
\nthrough society and benefits the poor, has no proper place. The
\ntrickle-down theory serves only as a pretext to curb dynamic
\naspirations among the majority of our population.<\/p>\n
Clean government and good governance must become the norm in
\nour country. Furthermore, the multifaceted nature of late 20th
\ncentury society is such that no government can avoid including
\nand cooperating with their public in a transparent policy making
\nprocess.<\/p>\n
States will have to show greater commitment to the spirit of
\ndemocracy and be receptive to any proactive stance taken by
\npeople over issues of mutual interest.<\/p>\n
The government and the people will have an equal
\nresponsibility to uphold the law; and will be seen as equal by
\nthe law. The law will be implemented and improved through
\ncontinuous dialogue and communication. Coercion and the use of
\nforce shall be applicable only in cases where violence and breach
\nof the peace are involved. Improved respect for human rights will
\nbe the logical result of this cooperation.<\/p>\n
But who will begin the process of reform? The crisis gripping
\nIndonesia makes it difficult to draw a clear line between the
\ngood and the bad.<\/p>\n
Nevertheless, there are a considerable number of good and
\ncapable individuals in our country who have achieved rank and
\nsuccess on their own merit. In contrast to former U.S. president
\nF.D. Roosevelt who said he used to \"speak soft but carry a big
\nstick\", these talented individuals should join in a concerted
\neffort to speak out forcefully but peacefully on the need to
\nreform Indonesian society and political practices.<\/p>\n
The objective of the reforms should be to gradually reactivate
\nexisting political institutions so that they adequately reflect a
\ndemocratic spirit. A measure of restructuring may eventually have
\nto be carried out on the political system.<\/p>\n
Any reform movement which aims at large changes carries a
\ncertain degree of risk. But the risk is small compared to the
\nrisks of prolonging the life of any corrupt and decadent
\npolitical system. To do so could lead a country to disaster. For
\na nation like Indonesia, which has a population of 200 million
\npeople, this is unacceptable.<\/p>\n
It is time the leaders of our country took the right side and
\nthe right track. Our leaders have been challenged to draw the
\ncurtain on some of the more unsavory aspects of political life.<\/p>\n
Formal leaders and the authorities are henceforth required to
\nrespect grassroots institutions. History shows that strong
\ngrassroots institutions provide support for the masses during
\ntimes when the overarching state is unable to, such as when
\nfacing a major crisis.<\/p>\n
A network of grassroots institutions and a clean government
\nprovides a functional symbiosis for the nation. However,
\nIndonesian sociologists hold a common view that grassroots
\ninstitutions have been uprooted and destroyed by misplaced
\ndevelopment policies over the last 30 years and this has
\nexacerbated the impact of the economic crisis. Ironically
\neconomic development policies have done more to consolidate the
\nauthoritarian political power structure than to strengthening the
\npeople's economic resilience.<\/p>\n
The nation must rethink how it wants the modern face of
\nIndonesia to look. We call for the establishment of a clean
\ngovernment and good governance, respect for genuine democracy,
\ncompliance with the law, equality for all in the eyes of the law,
\nrespect for justice and observance of human rights. The people of
\nthis country are entitled to these basic rights of civilized
\nsociety.<\/p>\n
All Indonesia deserves the benefits of these protective
\nfunctions which a large part of the world already enjoys. After
\nthe world has set a course toward a more civilized world, it
\nwould be beyond common sense for Indonesia to take a stance which
\nis against this.<\/p>\n
The founding fathers of the republic were far sighted when
\nthey proclaimed the country to be a member of the modern,
\npeaceful and civilized world in the 1945 Constitution. Now the
\npeople call for no less than the consistent implementation of
\nthose humane values and ideals.<\/p>\n
It is hard to reconcile ignoring the people's aspirations with
\nthe trends seen in the global political system and society may
\nprove unwilling to tolerate such a state of affairs. We are
\nappealing en masse to those at the helm of the nation to pay due
\nregard to the rightful and dynamic aspirations of the people.<\/p>\n
We are all deeply concerned about the possibility of
\nfrustrated people turning to harsh measures to get their voice
\nheard. Let us hope that common sense will prevail and rule the
\ncourse of Indonesian history.<\/p>\n
The writer is a legal consultant and lecturer in legal
\nphilosophy, based in Jakarta.<\/p>\n
Window A: A failure to return to fair and sensible principles will
\nundoubtedly block the road to a (masyarakat adil dan makmur), or
\njust and prosperous society, set out in the 1945 Constitution as
\nour country's ultimate political goal.<\/p>\n
Window B: The nation must rethink how it wants the modern face of
\nIndonesia to look. We call for the establishment of a clean
\ngovernment and good governance, respect for genuine democracy,
\ncompliance with the law, equality for all in the eyes of the law,
\nrespect for justice and observance of human rights.<\/p>",
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