Indonesia needs transformational leaders<\/p>\n
By Aleksius Jemadu<\/p>\n
BANDUNG (JP): Democracy will be reduced to being its own worst
\nenemy if politicians continue to treat it as merely a matter of
\npower politics. As we move closer to the annual session of the
\nPeople's Consultative Assembly (MPR) in August, political elite
\nare increasingly preoccupied with a political drama the plot of
\nwhich is simply -- to quote Harold Lasswell's definition of
\npolitics -- \"who gets what, when and how\".<\/p>\n
The leaders tend to alienate themselves from the very source
\nof their legitimacy, the people. Rarely, if ever, have they
\nfocused their attention on the discussion of how to develop an
\noverall strategy to solve the nation's ills.<\/p>\n
It is no wonder that until now Indonesia has not yet developed
\nany clear strategy other than succumbing to those imposed by the
\nInternational Monetary Fund (IMF).<\/p>\n
While the cumulative amount of foreign debt increases, nobody
\nknows how and when the nation can pay it back.<\/p>\n
The detention of Bank Indonesia Governor Sjahril Sabirin, by
\nthe Attorney General's Office is a case in point. Sabirin was
\nnamed a suspect in the politically charged Bank Bali scandal. The
\nactions and statements of some political leaders following
\nSabirin's detention have led many to conclude that this is not a
\nlegal matter but rather a political one.<\/p>\n
Amien Rais, the Assembly Speaker, for instance, in apparent
\ncriticism of President Abdurrahman Wahid argued that Sabirin's
\ndetention amounted to political intervention by the government in
\nthe affairs of the central bank.<\/p>\n
The politicization of Sabirin's detention illustrates a
\nyawning gap between two kinds of logic. The first is that of the
\npolitical elite who tend to confound the legal process with their
\npolitical maneuvers, losing sight of the supremacy of law in the
\nprocess. The second is the logic of the common people yearning
\nfor genuine respect for the law.<\/p>\n
Instead of facilitating a badly needed stable democracy, the
\npolitical elite have turned out to be a serious obstacle to the
\nrealization of that goal.<\/p>\n
To make things worse, there seems to be a positive correlation
\nbetween enmity among them and the escalation of conflicts based
\nupon religious and ethnic affiliation in areas like Maluku, Aceh
\nand Papua.<\/p>\n
Another serious constraint in this regard is a perilous lack
\nof sincerity and honesty. The politicians who strongly supported
\nthe election of Abdurrahman Wahid last year have turned out to be
\nhis most dangerous protagonists, especially in the lead up to the
\nMPR annual session.<\/p>\n
Indonesia can never hope to create a a stable democracy if its
\npolitical elite continue to concentrate on their partisan short-
\nterm interests at the expense of national long-term goals.<\/p>\n
A glance at the United States reveals a sharp conflict
\nof ideas and policies as between Republicans and Democrats.
\nHowever, it seems that American political leaders always manage
\nto achieve a high level of consensus on certain core political
\nvalues such as liberalism, egalitarianism and the rule of law.<\/p>\n
If Indonesians aspire to develop a stable democracy, their
\npolitical leaders should be able to provide transformational
\nleadership both at the national and the institutional level.
\nTransformational leadership may be defined as leadership which
\nstresses the willingness and capability of a leader to induce
\nchange based not so much on his or her own values or interests,
\nbut those of his or her followers or constituencies.<\/p>\n
The standard measurement of the success of this kind of
\nleadership is whether a change benefits at least the majority, or
\njust strengthens the position of a leader.<\/p>\n
One writer, Richard L. Hughes, says: \"Transformational leaders
\nare not only good at appealing to followers' values, but they are
\nalso adept at reframing issues so that they are aligned with the
\nleader's vision and followers' values, teaching followers how to
\nbecome leaders in their own right, and inciting them to play
\nactive roles in the change movement.\"<\/p>\n
It is no exaggeration to suggest that in Indonesia today there
\nare more power-wielders than transformational leaders. The former
\nis precisely the opposite of the latter.<\/p>\n
Another writer, James Mac Gregor Burns, wrote that power-
\nwielders are \"those individuals who marshal resources and
\ninfluence followers to behave in such a way as to accomplish
\ntheir own personal goals or to satisfy personal needs\". It is
\nalso said that power-wielders tend \"to see followers as things or
\nobjects to be manipulated, rather than individuals\".<\/p>\n
We leave it to Abdurrahman, or Gus Dur, Amien Rais, Akbar
\nTandjung and other Indonesian politicians to make an honest
\njudgment of just what kind of leaders they are.<\/p>\n
The writer is a lecturer in the School of International
\nRelations at the Parahyangan Catholic University in Bandung, West
\nJava.<\/p>",
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