Indonesia needs to avoid Japanese syndrome<\/p>\n
By Sauri Hasibuan<\/p>\n
JAKARTA (JP): An object at rest stays at rest. An object in
\nmotion stays in motion. That, at least, is the Newtonian law of
\nphysics. A theorem that is both definable and formulaic.<\/p>\n
But what if the object at hand is a nation-state: an entity
\nthat is as demanding as it is uncompromising in its expectation
\nof a higher return of nationalist quotient? What then?<\/p>\n
To compound the matter further: What if that entity is now in
\na state of crisis which it has not ever experienced before? Do we
\nsupport the country at all costs, such as in \"sickness and in
\nhealth\", or do we transform ourselves into its severest critics?
\nAt the risk of hyperbole, Indonesia is in a deep crisis, or at
\nleast in the middle of one. It is facing a problem that is
\nfinancial, economic and political. A triple whammy one may add.<\/p>\n
First are the problems aggravated by the sudden and steep
\ndevaluation of its currency, the rupiah. The second, which
\nfollows on the heels of the first, is the economic difficulty
\nproduced by the need to maintain a high interest rate to ensure a
\nstable currency. And the third is the political cost that is
\nderived from the very maintenance of a high interest rate.<\/p>\n
And if the Indonesia Bank Restructuring Agency (IBRA) is
\npressured by all political quarters to speed up the banks and
\ncorporate restructuring program, which currently involves as many
\nas 100 banks, then the banking institution itself would
\ninevitably be seen by foreign investors as weak. This is a
\nperception that would be economically costly by implication and
\nsuggests a monetary policy that is unsteady and susceptible to
\npolitical tugs and pulls. The Bank Bali scandal may be a good
\ncase in point.<\/p>\n
If the problems seem plenty, that is because they are. In
\naddition to the above, the government of Indonesia also has to
\ndeal with several present as well as impending difficulties,
\nwhich are providing critical services to the most defenseless
\npart of society and keeping its budget deficit manageable.<\/p>\n
These difficulties point to a nation-state in distress by
\nwhich its range and complexity seem overwhelming. The all
\nimportant question is therefore: Do we support the country
\nthrough its present trial and tribulation or do we criticize it
\nto bits, albeit constructively?<\/p>\n
The answer requires an understanding of the concept and
\npractice of patriotism.<\/p>\n
Patriotism comes from the Greek word, patria (father). The
\ncivic meaning of patriotism is that of love and affection for
\none's native land or country.<\/p>\n
If we see patriotism through a father and son or mother and
\ndaughter matrix, then we arrive at a relationship that is both
\nhierarchical and paternal in notion, therein, children obeying
\nthe parents.<\/p>\n
In itself, however, there is nothing negative about obeying
\none's parents. After all, life's pitfalls are avoided essentially
\nbecause parents are there.<\/p>\n
But what if the government wishes to be seen as the nation's
\nde facto parents too? What then? Do we, in effect, pledge our
\nallegiance with no questions asked?<\/p>\n
The answer lies in clarifying the misplaced doctrine of
\npatria, which has seeped into Asian governmental practice.<\/p>\n
To be sure, no country should enjoy the automatic privilege or
\nprerogative to project itself as the parental \"other,\" i.e. in
\nfull mimic of the relationship that we share with our biological
\nparents. The reason for this exception is simple: Whereas we come
\nfrom our parents -- a condition which is nonvolitional but
\nnonetheless predestined, albeit in random -- it is nevertheless a
\nfact that the government comes from us.<\/p>\n
In short, the government is an entity that is from and of our
\ncreation.<\/p>\n
Indeed, whether we will it to exist for utilitarian reasons,
\nas claimed by Jeremy Bentham, or for social-contractual
\nconvenience, as explained by Jean Rousseau, the indisputable fact
\nis that the government was born in and from our midst.<\/p>\n
The midwife that delivered the government was the public will
\nof sui generic (we the people).<\/p>\n
Thus, while Asian culture dictates that parents are to a large
\ndegree above rebuke, this is a luxury that cannot be offered to
\nthe government. On the contrary, all governments should not be
\nfree from rebuke if and when the situation so warrants.<\/p>\n
That being said, good civic consciousness also requires that
\non those occasions when we criticize our government, we do so
\nwith a great deal of forbearance. Criticism should always be
\nconstructive and not cantankerous, strong and never spurious.<\/p>\n
Above all, criticism should always, as a principle, be
\ntempered by a sense of justice and balance. To lunge at a
\ngovernment precisely because it has fallen on bad economic times
\nis akin to an opportunistic display of bad blood and venom. This
\nattitude is not only unfavorable, but inconsistent to the demands
\nof patriotism and the spirit of reformasi (political reform).<\/p>\n
In handling the economic crisis, the government has been thin-
\nskinned and quite averse to criticism. As such, it has resorted
\nto muffling the media and people. This, in reality, is to confuse
\nsuppression with solutions. To be matter-of-fact, this situation
\ncannot be allowed to prevail for two strategic reasons.<\/p>\n
One, the foreign investor community is no longer interested in
\ngauging Indonesia's economic attractiveness strictly from the
\nvantage point of stability as it is with transparency and
\naccountability, two notions which are thought to exist under a
\nclimate of free speech and press.<\/p>\n
Two, if an Indonesian is to be courted as active and
\nresponsible citizenry, he\/she involved in the resuscitation of
\nvarious moribund economic sectors must, by the dint of this
\nfactor, be given a more participatory role and space. Only when
\nthe margins of discussion are expanded and encouraged can the
\nscope of troubleshooting, which is critical in any quick
\nrecovery, become viable.<\/p>\n
To believe that the government can resolve the economic crisis
\nalone or through sheer manipulation of the interest rate, is to
\nassume that the root of the problem is merely monetary. However,
\nsuch an assumption, again, can only be erroneous.<\/p>\n
Economists generally agree that while all economic crises are
\ninevitably due to a cycle of booms and busts, the very nature of
\nrecovery is called \"consumer confidence\".<\/p>\n
Indeed, the lack of consumer confidence is essentially the
\nsyndrome why Japan has not been able to make a due recovery after
\nalmost eight years of economic contraction, despite an interest
\nrate that is pegged at less than 1 percent. This is because no
\none is borrowing from the banks since no one expects the economy
\nto recover, which thus perpetuates a self-fulfilling cycle. At
\nleast for now, credit should be given to Habibie's administration
\nfor bringing down inflation, which is now negative on a monthly
\nbasis.<\/p>\n
More importantly, the lack of consumer confidence is also due
\nto the perception, which is true in this case, that all policy
\nstrings are pulled by the bureaucrats, a breed that spends their
\ndays and nights confined in their respective ministerial cocoons,
\nout of touch with what consumers really want. The unique
\nsituation that emerges in Japan is therefore a skeptical and
\napathetic populace; indeed, one that attempts to conserve more
\nthan to consume. Robbed from the Japanese people is the very
\nincentive to participate and be engaged in the country's economic
\nrevival.<\/p>\n
Like Japan, Indonesia has its fair share of economic problems.
\nIf they remain untreated, they could fester. What Indonesia
\nneeds, aside from capital injection and foreign investment, is
\nthe creation of a dynamic community which is able to pinpoint its
\neconomic problems. For a country that is in ferment, stays in
\nferment. One that is at rest, stays at rest.<\/p>\n
Contextualizing patriotism means the elimination of the
\nJapanese syndrome in order to allow for a greater flourish of
\nopinions to help Indonesia overcome its economic problems. This
\nis because Japan has tried to engineer a recovery without an
\nactive citizenry and has inevitably failed. It is high time that
\nIndonesia takes a path that is different and bold.<\/p>\n
The writer is the business development manager of PT Airindo
\nBersih Jaya.<\/p>",
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