Indonesia needs a prime minister<\/p>\n
Noted experts and officials meeting in Bali over the weekend
\noffered recommendations to help the nation escape its current
\ncrisis. Mochtar Pabottingi, senior researcher at the National
\nInstitute of Sciences analyses the recommendations.<\/p>\n
Question: How do you read the recommendations put forward by
\nthe National Dialog Forum?<\/p>\n
Mochtar: They look good. But the forum's participants made
\nrecommendations on three sectors (politics, legal and economics)
\nat once and, whether or not a priority is set, the
\nrecommendations will be difficult to implement effectively. The
\nforum's implicit recommendation to maintain Abdurrahman \"Gus Dur\"
\nWahid as head of government up to 2004 may cause difficulties. We
\nhave to appoint a prime minister as head of government.<\/p>\n
Q: How should the recommendations read?<\/p>\n
M: They should have focused on the improvement of law enforcement
\nbecause our economic, political, legal and leadership problems
\nhave been caused by poor law enforcement. Rather than being the
\nsource of justice, laws thus far have become the source of
\ninjustice.<\/p>\n
Q: Could you elaborate?<\/p>\n
A: To talk straight, I would say that all the institutions
\nrelated to law enforcement must be shaken up because their
\nofficials have so far practiced synergic collaboration for
\ncorruption and betrayal of the republic. All the high-ranking --
\nechelons one and two -- officials in the prosecutors office, the
\npolice and courts, for example, must be replaced except a very
\nfew who are really credible.<\/p>\n
With new credible leaders, those law enforcement institutions
\nwill be able to bring major corruptors and human rights violators
\nto court and punish them. Such seriousness by the authorities in
\nenforcing the laws will deter business and political actors from
\nbecoming involved in new corruption and human rights violations.<\/p>\n
If we put priority on economic development without improving
\nlaw enforcement, corrupt officials and businesspeople will
\ncontinue their bad conduct because rules of the game remain as
\nusual.<\/p>\n
Q: Should we also make changes in laws?<\/p>\n
A: The most important thing is that we must amend our 1945
\nConstitution to guarantee the supremacy of law. Our current
\nconstitution does not have any articles that guarantee the
\nsovereignty of the people, protects against abuse of power and
\nprotects human rights.<\/p>\n
Q: Why do you think we need to change Gus Dur as head of the
\ngovernment?<\/p>\n
A: Gus Dur apparently has no capacity to rule the country. If we
\ncontinue with Gus Dur as head of the government for another four
\nyears, with his controversial statements and inconsistent
\npolitical practices, I'm afraid social problems will accumulate
\nand troubles may explode. But toppling him from the presidency
\nalso would be dangerous because it would set a bad precedence and
\nhis supporters would run amok. As a consequence, the country
\nwould plunge into chaos and we don't want that to happen.<\/p>\n
Q: What solution do you offer?<\/p>\n
A: To save the country, we should retain Gus Dur as head of state
\nand Vice President Megawati Soekarnoputri as his deputy. But at
\nthe same time, we should select a prime minister, not a first
\nminister (menteri pertama) as suggested by others, including
\nSupreme Advisory Council (DPA) chairman Achmad Tirtosudiro, to
\nlead the government under a parliamentary cabinet system. If we
\nappointed a first minister, instead of a prime minister, we would
\ncontinue with the presidential cabinet system, under which Gus
\nDur would still have opportunity to intervene in government
\npolicies.<\/p>\n
Q: How can our constitution allow such a parliamentary cabinet
\nsystem?<\/p>\n
A: The People's Consultative Assembly (MPR), while amending the
\nConstitution of 1945 for permanent implementation, should make a
\ntemporary amendment based on necessity and expediency (not by
\ndesign and preference) to allow the implementation of a
\nparliamentary cabinet system until 2004.<\/p>\n
Q: How would the MPR appoint a prime minister after amending the
\nconstitution?<\/p>\n
A: The MPR, which represents the people's sovereignty, can change
\nits coming annual General Session in August into an extraordinary
\nsession for the nomination of a prime minister.<\/p>\n
Q: How can the MPR have an extraordinary session without evidence
\nthat the President has violated the constitution? Can the House
\nof Representatives (DPR) ask the MPR to hold an extraordinary
\nsession following the exercise of its interpellation right later
\nthis month?<\/p>\n
A: The issue to be raised at the coming interpellation session
\n(related to the firing of former minister of industry and trade
\nYusuf Kalla and former state minister of investment and state
\nenterprises Laksamana Sukardi) is too trivial to be used as
\nreason for that. The MPR itself can change its August meeting
\ninto an extraordinary session for the reason that Gus Dur's
\ngovernment has no sense of urgency for the recovery of the
\ncountry from its crisis.<\/p>\n
Q: Who do you think is the most appropriate to be appointed as
\nprime minister?<\/p>\n
A: I cannot mention a name but a law expert with high credibility
\nand reputation should get high priority to be nominated as prime
\nminister for the time being. (Rikza Abdullah)<\/p>",
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