Indonesia after Sept. 11: Rowing between the cliffs<\/p>\n
Siswo Pramono, PhD Graduate Student in Political Science
\nand International Relations, The Australian National University,
\nCanberra<\/p>\n
The U.S.-led war on terror is not a war between the West and
\nIslam; however, as a country with the largest Muslim population
\nin the world, Indonesia cannot escape the impact of this war.<\/p>\n
As the U.S.-led invasion of Afghanistan failed to apprehend
\nOsama bin Laden, the hunt for groups and individuals suspected of
\nhaving links with al-Qaeda began in Indonesia, Malaysia,
\nSingapore and the (Southern) Philippines. By then Southeast Asia
\nwas considered by U.S. strategists as the second front in the war
\non terror.<\/p>\n
The campaign resulted in the arrests of some Indonesian
\ncitizens and leaders of militant groups. Not many of the cases
\ncan be brought to trial, reportedly because of a lack of
\nevidence. This second front in the war on terror then moved from
\nSoutheast Asia to the Gulf.<\/p>\n
The Gulf, for the U.S., represents a two-fold issue. The issue
\nof dismantling Iraqi weapons of mass destruction has been
\nlingering for the last four years. But the decision to topple
\nSaddam Hussein was made about six months ago. If the U.S.
\nproceeds with its goal of a regime change in Iraq, Indonesia will
\nneed to brace itself against another impact from the war on
\nterror.<\/p>\n
Indonesia needs to row between the cliffs, between principle
\nand practical policy, between domestic and international
\npressure.<\/p>\n
There is contention between the UN Charter's principle of a
\npeaceful means to resolve a conflict and U.S. politics. While
\nIndonesia should help promote such a principle, it cannot escape
\nthe political reality of the UN Security Council.<\/p>\n
The position of each permanent member on the Council is
\nambivalent. The United Kingdom, despite its domestic opposition,
\nwill likely join, albeit for a limited term, a military strike on
\nIraq. And the French would not likely challenge the States'
\ndetermination.<\/p>\n
Russia will give priority to establishing better relations,
\neconomic and otherwise, with the U.S. and the West, then to
\nprotect Iraq. Russia has faced the acute problem of Muslim
\ninsurgency in Chechnya.<\/p>\n
China, too, despite the rift with the U.S. over Taiwan, will
\nunlikely take an antagonistic position for two reasons. China has
\nbeen bothered by the issue of Muslim insurgency in some of its
\nregions. And the U.S. has encircled China with its current
\nengagements in Afghanistan, India, Pakistan and Southeast Asia.<\/p>\n
As such, the U.S. might wage a war against Iraq without
\nworrying much about the formal position of the UN Security
\nCouncil.<\/p>\n
The Arab states are more united than before in resisting the
\nU.S. strike on Iraq. But the major powers in the Asia-Pacific
\nregion, most notably Australia and Japan, will likely side with
\nthe U.S.<\/p>\n
The Indonesian government will also face mounting pressure at
\nhome. Domestic politics will compel the government to assert its
\npolitical position regarding the U.S. strategy of a regime change
\nin Iraq. Experience during the U.S.-led invasion in Afghanistan
\nproved how difficult that was.<\/p>\n
The government needs to anticipate the worst case scenario in
\naccordance with the principles of democracy and the rule of law.
\nWhile debates about U.S. foreign policy on Iraq represent a
\nhealthy public discourse, any attempt to intimidate expatriates
\nor threaten foreign institutions in Indonesia needs to be
\nprevented.<\/p>\n
While harsh criticism against the U.S. policy on Iraq or anti-
\nAmerican statements issued by militant groups or individuals
\nshould not be considered a crime, hate crime, which is aimed at a
\nparticular nationality, religion or race, needs to be dealt with
\naccording to the law.<\/p>\n
Radical ideas, religious or otherwise, should be allowed as
\nlong as they are expressed within the corridor of democracy and
\nprovided that they do not materialize in a way that violates the
\nlaw.<\/p>\n
President Megawati Soekarnoputri's diplomacy during the U.S.-
\nled invasion in Afghanistan was effective and this strategy can
\nbe employed again to mitigate the impact that the U.S. policy on
\nIraq will have on Indonesia. The strategy needs to reconcile
\nprinciple with practical policy; and hence accommodate both
\ninternational and domestic pressure.<\/p>\n
Indonesia needs to push for peaceful ways to dismantle Iraq's
\nweapons of mass destruction. This solution would save millions of
\nIraqis and promote stability in the Gulf and beyond.<\/p>\n
This principle, however, needs to be implemented in a
\npractical policy, taking into account our efforts to survive the
\nmultidimensional crisis. Diplomacy needs to reconcile Indonesia's
\neffort to promote peace and stability in Southeast Asia and the
\nMiddle East with the country's economic interests in the Asia-
\nPacific, particularly North America, and Western Europe.<\/p>\n
The writer works at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.<\/p>", "url": "https:\/\/jawawa.id\/newsitem\/indonesia-after-sept-11-rowing-between-the-cliffs-1447893297", "image": "" }, "sponsor": "Okusi Associates", "sponsor_url": "https:\/\/okusiassociates.com" }