... if lessons learned: Observers<\/p>\n
By Ati Nurbaiti<\/p>\n
JAKARTA (JP): In exchange for considerable stability, other
\nlegacies have been viewed as threats to unity; mistakes rather
\nthan lessons - parliamentary democracy, for instance, is shunned
\nfor its too "liberal" nature. Cabinet after cabinet were
\noverhauled, with no chance for any of them to implement programs
\nsoundly.<\/p>\n
"People forget that the actors were so young then," said
\nhistorian Taufik Abdullah of the first form of government after
\nindependence.<\/p>\n
Abdul Haris Nasution, the first army chief of staff, was 28;
\nSjahrir, the first prime minister was 36; and the first
\npresident, Sukarno, was 44.<\/p>\n
Undoubtedly no one had experience either, having been
\ncolonized for 350 years.<\/p>\n
Mochtar Pabottingi, a political scientist, says that "any
\npolitical design was bound to fail" in those tender years, given
\nthe "immature psychological and economic situation."<\/p>\n
Of the number of attempts to defy the central government,
\nobservers agree there were very few aspirations of breaking away
\nfrom the initially envisioned "Indonesia." What seemed like
\nethnic based sentiments were more of unequal "Java-outer Java
\nrelations."<\/p>\n
Pabottingi stresses that almost all forms of dissent, then and
\nnow, "do not aim to negate unity." As in the case of the 1950s
\n"half hearted" PRRI rebellion based in West Sumatra, military
\nmembers and local leaders charged the government in Java with
\nlack of attention to their area, and were not unanimous in
\naspiring for a whole new country.<\/p>\n
Historian Ong Hok Ham notes that efforts for federalism, which
\nemerged in the late 1940s, mainly failed because of the inability
\nto control corruption of power by appointed authorities.<\/p>\n
Given more educated people in the future, he views federalism
\nas one option to solve the unsettled problem of decentralization,
\nmainly autonomy of the provinces in managing their own financial
\nresources.<\/p>\n
"But I'm not saying that federalism would be more efficient,
\nnor that it would solve ethnic tensions," he stressed.<\/p>\n
This idea is reminiscent of Mohammad Hatta's, the first vice
\npresident, who wrote in the 1950s that "a federal system might be
\nsuitable for such a far-flung archipelago and might be expected
\nto strengthen the feeling of unity."<\/p>\n
But he had also explained the antipathy due to efforts of the
\nDutch to regain control over Indonesia after independence through
\nfederalism.<\/p>\n
With the fear of repeating mistakes, is it possible that there
\neven exists ideas like considering federalism?<\/p>\n
Amid his clutter of books in his Javanese courtyard-style
\nhome, Ong retorts, "How do we know?", referring to the "closed
\npolitics" still felt by many here. But he also notes low
\npolitical awareness - in other words, who cares?<\/p>\n
Ong stresses further that the present government has prevented
\npotentially open ethnic conflicts such as among the Islam and
\nHindu members of the Sasak ethnicity in East Indonesia.<\/p>\n
Besides, says political scientist Burhan Magenda, "People are
\nunwilling to talk about ethnical and religious differences," as
\nthe government has ruled such issues as highly sensitive.<\/p>\n
Therefore publicly available insights of strifes are valuable,
\nsuch as offered by John R.G. Djopari, in his book titled
\nPemberontakan Organiasi Papua Merdeka (Rebellion of the Free
\nPapua Organization).<\/p>\n
The Irianese, he writes, "...wish to participate in developing
\ntheir areas ...as decision makers, not only as spectators and
\noperators (of these decisions); as they know their societies
\nbetter, and the diverse obstacles in accepting changes."<\/p>\n
But in general, says Ong, "Indonesia is still a haven for
\nthose who would otherwise live in rigid, traditional societies."<\/p>\n
Kindergarten teachers displaying a picture of churches,
\nmosques, and the Hindu and Buddha temples, are active educators
\nof religious tolerance, lacking in "rigid societies."<\/p>\n
Given the above legacies, it seems safe to believe that most
\nIndonesians would mostly not contest unity, with a number of
\n"ifs" - like continued guarantee of social mobility; more equal
\naccess to power; less regional disparity and the settling of the
\ndecentralization question.<\/p>\n
Ong says job distribution, particularly in the government
\nsector in the provinces, must maintain a balance of meritocracy
\nand ethnic diversity, as jobs in the private sector are still
\nquite limited.<\/p>\n
Unemployment of higher education graduates is undoubtedly a
\npotential source of more discontent, besides corruption.<\/p>\n
"I am optimistic," says Pabottingi, "as long as the widening
\nsocial and economic gap can be overcome, and as long as we have
\nequal supervision (through the House of Representatives) to
\ncorrect those in power."<\/p>\n
If not, an Indonesia in smithereens is not impossible.<\/p>\n
Ong also reminds the absence of adequate infrastructure among
\neven neighboring provinces, making simple communication
\ndifficult, more so a "national culture."<\/p>\n
Surastri Karma Trimurti, who was part of the last phase of the
\nindependence struggle, says, "The proclamation was just a golden
\nbridge; it takes a long time for everyone to live together in
\npeace."<\/p>\n
Indonesians, she adds with her spiritual wisdom, have always
\nworked towards unity. "The cosmos is one...only inside, it has
\nmany branches..for the development of its elements."<\/p>\n
Her eyes then brighten as she muses, "I still think
\nIndonesians have more good in them than bad, don't you?"<\/p>",
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