'Ideological map' in Indonesian politics (1)<\/p>\n
J. Soedjati Djiwandono
\nPolitical analyst
\nJakarta<\/p>\n
The ideological alignment of Indonesian politics since
\nindependence has been one of "nationalism," in support of the
\nPancasila ideology, versus Islam, striving for the establishment
\nof an Islamic state on the basis of Islamic syaria.
\nInterestingly, it can reasonably be assumed that most of the
\nmembers of the "nationalist" parties are also Muslims.<\/p>\n
That antagonism began has characterized Indonesian politics
\nsince the famous after "seven words" referring to the Islamic
\nsyaria, immediately following the phrase "belief in one Almighty
\nGod" -- the first principle of the Pancasila ideology mentioned
\nin the "Jakarta Charter", the original draft of the constitution
\n-- were deleted before it was to be promulgated as the
\nProvisional Constitution of independent Indonesia (the 1945
\nConstitution), on the day after the proclamation of independence
\non 17 August 1945.<\/p>\n
While it was to the chagrin of the Muslims to the present day,
\nthe reason for the deletion was concern over a threat to national
\nunity after the Christian members of the Preparatory Committee
\nfor Indonesian Independence established by the Japanese occupying
\nmilitary authorities had reportedly threatened to opt out if
\nthose words were retained.<\/p>\n
A clear expression of such an ideological division between
\nNationalism and Islam was manifested in the result of a voting in
\nthe Contitutional Assembly, established through the election of
\n1955, to determine a permanent constitution. The final vote was
\non whether the provisional 1945 Constitution or the Jakarta
\nCharter, its original draft, was to be the Republic's permanent
\nConstitution, which would have made the Indonesian republic an
\nIslamic state. The result was a large majority in favor of the
\nformer choice, although the required 2\/3-majority vote was not
\nobtained. In the end the Constitutional Assembly was dissolved by
\na Presidential decree of July 9, 1959 for its failure.<\/p>\n
Brief interlude<\/p>\n
The ideological dichotomy, however, was briefly interrupted
\nduring the less than a decade of President Sukarno's rule of
\n"Guided Democracy". Despite the so-called "Madiun Affair" of
\n1948, a rebellion by the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI), the
\nparty was never banned. Indeed, under the new leadership of D.N.
\nAidit, the party regained its membership and sympathizers, and in
\nthe 1955 election came out as one of the "big four", along with
\nthe PNI, the Masyumi, and the Nahdlatul Ulama (NU).<\/p>\n
As a result, the common perception of "ideological map" of
\nnationalism versus Islam did not really constitute an unbroken
\npattern. The PKI was becoming a political force of such influence
\nthat during Sukarno's "Guided Democracy," it eventually led him
\nto conceive his idea of "NASAKOM", a coalition among the three
\nmain ideologies -- nationalism, religion, and communism in
\nIndonesian politics.<\/p>\n
Islamic revival?<\/p>\n
Because of its alleged involvement in the "Gestapu Affair"
\n(Sept. 30 movement) of 1965, understood as another coup attempt
\nmasterminded by the PKI, the NASAKOM was discredited, and the
\nPKI banned. Hence the birth of the Army-dominated "New Order"
\nregime led by General, later President Soeharto.<\/p>\n
Indeed, there were expectations on the part of the Muslims,
\nthat with the banning of the PKI, it was time for the Islamic
\nparties (except the Masyumi, which had earlier been banned by
\nSukarno for its alleged involvement in a series of Islamic
\nrebellions), to play a more important political role. It was
\nassumed that many among those apposed to the Jakarta Charter in
\nthe Constituent Assembly were members of the PKI, which now did
\nnot count anymore. So the Islamic parties would renew their
\nstruggle for the imposition of the Syaria. Moreover, many Muslims
\nfelt that the Muslims had been the main victims of the communists
\nand that the Muslims played a significant role in fighting the
\ncommunists.<\/p>\n
Indeed, with due respect for the Muslims victimized by the
\nPKI, particularly those in the country-side, the communists
\nkilled many of them, presumably not because they were Muslims as
\nsuch, but in the communist ideological terms, they belonged to
\nthe class of land-owners, the "rich peasants" or "kulaks" in
\ncommunist Russia.<\/p>\n
Failing in this, many of Muslims felt "marginalized under the
\nSoeharto regime. Only later, when at some point Soeharto was
\nbeginning to be disappointed with at least some part of the
\nmilitary, did he provide the Muslims with a wider opportunity to
\nplay a bigger role, particularly following the emergence of
\nAssociation of Indonesian Muslim Intellectuals (ICMI) especially
\nwith B.J. Habibie coming into office as Minister of Research and
\nTechnology, and later as Vice President. It was then that there
\nwas some degree of "Islamic revival".<\/p>\n
Nevertheless, it was impossible for the Islamic parties to
\nachieve their goal of adopting the Islamic syaria by
\nconstitutional means, for since 1983 Soeharto, through a decision
\nof the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR), required that all
\npolitical parties and mass organizations could only have
\nPancasila as their ideological basis. Moreover, all decisions had
\nto be made by unanimity (mufakat).<\/p>\n
However, unity among the Muslims, particularly among Muslim
\nparties and organizations, is always a far cry. As recent as the
\nlatest election of 1999, the Muslims were split into a number of
\nparties. Indeed, in Parliament, the Islamic-based political
\nparties set up "Central Axis. It was meant to be some kind of an
\nalliance, a united front or perhaps united forum, rather than a
\nmerger, for cooperation and mutual consultations among Islamic-
\nbased political parties, each of which, alone, would constitute a
\nminority. However, the Central Axis did not include the National
\nAwakening Party (PKB), which is NU- based, thus strictly
\nspeaking, Islamic-based, especially the NU being the largest
\nMuslim organization in the country.<\/p>\n
It was the forces of the Central Axis that formed a strong and
\nunited opposition to Megawati Soekarnoputri of the Indonesian
\nDemocratic Party of Struggle (PDI Perjuangan), biggest winner of
\nthe election, and thus the strongest presidential candidate. They
\nused her gender as their main weapon to bloc her election as
\nPresident.<\/p>\n
It was also the Central Axis, ironically, that catapulted
\nAbdurrahman Wahid to the presidency, thus relegating Megawati to
\nthe vice presidency. More ironically, however, that it was also
\nthe withdrawal the support by the Central Axis for Abdurrahman
\nWahid that in the end forced him out of office, thus paving the
\nway for Megawati's presidency.<\/p>",
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