Idealist leader Budiman values consistency<\/p>\n
By Yudha Kartohadiprodjo<\/p>\n
JAKARTA (JP): At a quick glance, Budiman Soedjatmiko, 29 years
\nold, could be mistaken for a compliant yuppie waiting for the
\nnext business deal or a young university lecturer waiting to
\nteach.<\/p>\n
Bespectacled and usually dressed in a light colored, short-
\nsleeved shirt, he displays a calm composure while warmly greeting
\nfriends.<\/p>\n
But compliant he is not.<\/p>\n
Budiman, chairman of Democratic People's Party (PRD), refused
\nto make a deal with the government. Mostly he talks on behalf of
\nlaborers and farmers.<\/p>\n
Quick with answers, Budiman's tone is dominated by his
\nidealistic spirit.<\/p>\n
Budiman quit Gadjah Mada University's School of Economics
\nafter his third semester and decided to dedicate his life to
\npolitics at time when the New Order was at its peak.<\/p>\n
Back in 1994, he and PRD demanded the introduction of a
\nmultiparty system, the elimination of the military's dual
\nfunction and amendments to the Constitution. The same demands
\nwere later echoed by many other reformists.<\/p>\n
The ideology he believes in, social democracy, caused him and
\nhis friends to be branded communists at a time when an Army
\ngeneral claimed to be able to sniff a communist \"from a rhyme
\nsang across the wall\".<\/p>\n
The price they had to pay then, and are still paying, was
\nbeing blamed for instigating riots on July 27, 1996 near the
\nIndonesian Democratic Party's (PDI) headquarters in Menteng,
\nCentral Jakarta.<\/p>\n
He was arrested three weeks later. His friends were either
\nkidnapped or went underground.<\/p>\n
Currently Budiman being is detained with other six party
\nleaders, serving sentences ranging from four to 13 years --
\nBudiman is serving the longest term. All of them have rejected an
\noffer of clemency by President BJ Habibie, saying that all
\npolitical prisoners in Indonesia must be released.<\/p>\n
Now, from the bare visiting hall behind the walls of Cipinang
\nPrison, Budiman controls his party. Sitting on shabby brown
\nbenches, Budiman holds political forums with visiting party
\nmembers during prison visiting hours.<\/p>\n
Among visitors on the day this interview was Dita Indah Sari,
\na party cadre who was recently released from Tangerang Women's
\nPrison.<\/p>\n
Despite his militancy, softer sides of him were evident as he
\nspoke about literature and music. His readings range from Bung
\nKarno's Di Bawah Bendera Revolusi (Underneath the Flag of
\nRevolution) to poems by Pablo Neruda.<\/p>\n
If given the chance to change the education system, Budiman
\nsays he would introduce literature at elementary level so that
\n\"through such exposure, I wish to raise our humanistic senses\".<\/p>\n
The following is an excerpt of his interview with The Jakarta
\nPost:<\/p>\n
Question: Being detained in prison, are you aware of the
\nproblems outside?<\/p>\n
Answer: Well, I receive weekly reports from other party
\nleaders and other activist friends, who visit me regularly. We
\nhold discussions and forums here (indicating the prison's
\nvisiting hall). Being inside enables me to see issues in a bigger
\npicture. In contrast, while I was outside I had to make decisions
\non the spot.<\/p>\n
Q: You rejected the offer of clemency from Habibie, stating that
\nrelease is not everything without exoneration. What is the reason
\nbehind this?<\/p>\n
A: In seeking justice, I am also demanding freedom for all
\npolitical prisoners. For me this is also a humanistic struggle. A
\nstruggle to uphold human dignity, with freedom as a main
\ncomponent.<\/p>\n
I am not saying that being free is bad. Everybody needs
\nfreedom, yet freedom without justice is nothing<\/p>\n
Q: Do you surmise that politically your views are more likely to
\nbe heard while you are still imprisoned?<\/p>\n
A: For me, the release of other political prisoner is also
\nimportant.<\/p>\n
If we do not voice our demands now, and from outside, the
\ndemands will barely be heard.<\/p>\n
We place ourselves as people who are interested in being
\nreleased as well as people who fight for others' release.<\/p>\n
Q: You have a party called Democratic People's Party. Yet it only
\ngained 70,000 votes, less than some newly established parties.
\nWhere are your people?<\/p>\n
A: Parties like Masyumi or PNI (Indonesian National Party) are
\nbased on existing political thoughts, while others relied on our
\nculture that relies on polarized thinking. So, they already have
\na captive market.<\/p>\n
As a party, we are based on a new social paradigm. We have
\nbeen consolidating our members since our declaration in 1994. In
\n1996 many of our bases were destroyed and many of our leaders
\nwere arrested.<\/p>\n
In short, when we were still building our foundation, the
\nparty was repressed by the New Order regime. Being able to
\nsurvive repression, however, shows that we have a longer track
\nrecord than others and have been tested by history.<\/p>\n
Q: And it seems the repression you've experienced has not
\nstopped. How do you view the incident in front of the General
\nElections Committee's headquarters last week?<\/p>\n
A: I suspect it was a panic reaction from the status quo that is
\nstill in power. We have demonstrated without any incidents
\nlately, yet something suddenly happened when we strongly demanded
\nthat Golkar be disqualified.<\/p>\n
Q: You were among the first people to demand a multiparty system.
\nYet, the chaos outside the General Elections Committee's office
\nsomehow reflected how a misinterpretation of democracy led to
\nprotracted vote-counting...<\/p>\n
A: Well the question is: what do these people want from being on
\nthe committee or by holding the election. Is it merely to get
\nelectoral seats or financial reward?<\/p>\n
I think the PRD is beyond all this. We declared ourselves long
\nbefore such a committee was possible and we have stayed
\nconsistent in our struggle.<\/p>\n
What we stress the need for is honesty and for the process of
\ndemocracy, not merely to get a quick result. A dictatorial system
\nmight be efficient, yet it is undemocratic.<\/p>\n
Q: So what is next for your party?<\/p>\n
A: First, we do not endorse those parties asking for \"free\" seats
\nin the legislature.<\/p>\n
Although we want the allegations of electoral fraud to be
\nfollowed up, we feel that asking for a seat without gaining
\nenough votes is undemocratic.<\/p>\n
We will maintain our struggle as an extra-legislative force
\nand carry on with our agenda.<\/p>\n
Meanwhile, we will continue to develop our organization
\nthrough political and rights education and push for our
\nparticipation in the next election in five years.<\/p>\n
Q: One of your criteria for a good leader is consistency. Do you
\nsee Megawati as having this trait?<\/p>\n
A: Actually, Megawati is quite consistent. She carries on her
\nstruggle, although at times she seems to be quite unresponsive.<\/p>\n
A good party leader does not have to know every minute problem
\nin society, yet he or she has to be aware that those problems
\nexist.<\/p>\n
Q: Before the incident in 1996, why were you trying to
\ndisseminate your views through the press, even though you knew
\nthe press at the time was not as open as it is now?<\/p>\n
A: The irony is that we learned that the government was coming
\ndown hard on us through the media.<\/p>\n
For three days prior to the incident Angkatan Bersenjata daily
\ncondemned our activities in its headlines, and at certain places
\nthe newspaper was distributed free.<\/p>\n
We were trying to anticipate a worst-case scenario, by
\nbroadcasting our real intention. Unfortunately, we were not fast
\nenough.<\/p>\n
Q: What kind of society are you looking for and how can we attain
\nit?<\/p>\n
A: The change that we want focuses not on the formal sense, but
\nin terms of society.<\/p>\n
What we want is a total transformation of how society conducts
\nitself. A change in culture, not in institutions. To achieve this
\nwe ask for amendments to the Constitution, to the law and suggest
\nincreasing the level of education of the people.<\/p>\n
In short, the transformation should be a cultural movement.<\/p>\n
Q: What was an early experience that influenced you the most?<\/p>\n
A: I lived with my grandparents during my adolescence in the
\nsmall town of Cilacap, Central Java. All the kids I played with
\ncame from the lower class, from the son of a barber to the son of
\na farmer.<\/p>\n
From the interaction, I felt the social injustice and what
\nlife in the lower class is like, which touched my senses.<\/p>\n
On the other hand, my grandfather had a big influence on me.
\nAs an independence fighter and local politician he told me heroic
\ntales and stories about politics.<\/p>\n
He had a room full of political books and at times I sneaked
\ninto this room and read some of them.<\/p>\n
I was more fortunate than my peers were, to have a grandfather
\nwho gave me political education. From him, I learned how to
\ndedicate my life to other people's needs, for my surroundings.<\/p>\n
Q: Nevertheless, why through politics?<\/p>\n
A: Because I learned from history, that politics is one of the
\nmost effective agents to make a change in a society. Most of our
\nfounding fathers were politicians.<\/p>\n
A non-governmental organization can be a place for struggle,
\nbut in the end, a struggle is more effective and optimal only
\nthrough politics.<\/p>\n
Q: Then why did you choose Yogyakarta, not Jakarta to jump-start
\nyour political career?<\/p>\n
A: There is a pun among young activists that Yogyakarta is the
\nplace for ideas while Bandung and Jakarta are for politicking.<\/p>\n
By the time I had to enroll in university, a solid network for
\na student movement in Yogyakarta already existed.<\/p>\n
I also applied to the University of Indonesia, yet upon
\nvisiting the campus I felt that it was somehow quite tame then.
\nIt would be a nearly impossible task for me to start a student
\nmovement from that campus alone.<\/p>\n
So I went back to Gadjah Mada and joined my friends there.<\/p>\n
Q: You talk about political education, yet you dealt with people
\nwith a low educational background. What is your approach?<\/p>\n
A: I saw how powerful the grassroots movement could be. While I
\nwas still freshman, a friend took me to see the resistance
\nmovement in Kedung Ombo and I saw with my own eyes how strong,
\nand yet simple, these people were.<\/p>\n
It would be hard if we did it through a cognitive approach; so
\nit has to be done through be psychomotor approach, which
\neventually will increase people's awareness.<\/p>\n
Our goal is not merely to build their political vocabulary,
\nbut toward building political awareness among them, on the
\nproblems they face daily. A farmer should know what his daily
\nproblem is, what his rights are, as should a laborer.<\/p>\n
At the very least, I want them to be able to defend their
\nrights so they will not become political objects again. What we
\nare trying to do is to disseminate information on and popularize
\npolitics, to bring politics down to earth.<\/p>\n
Q: A struggle that is close to the struggle of the lower class,
\nfarmers and laborers, is at times branded as a rise of communism
\nhere. Can you explain the origin of social democracy?<\/p>\n
A: Social democracy is an ideology that emerged as a resistance
\nforce against the expansion of capitalism in Europe during the
\nIndustrial Revolution. It is a significant thought that
\ninfluenced all labor movements in the world.<\/p>\n
The revolution brings forward both the dominance of the
\nbourgeoisie class and the exploitation of the working class
\nthrough the control of capital. Social democracy is meant to
\ndefend the working class from this exploitation.<\/p>\n
The thought expanded throughout the world and it is actually a
\nthought outside of communism but closer to socialism.<\/p>\n
Three of the strongest European countries: Germany, Great
\nBritain and France, have been under the leadership of socialistic
\nparties from time to time.<\/p>\n
However, we place ourselves as a social democratic party from
\nthe developing world.<\/p>\n
In a society that is still rather undeveloped, in terms of
\ncivilization, PRD sees itself not only as an electoral, political
\nmachine but also as a part of a social movement.<\/p>\n
Q: So what would be the distinctive characteristics for this
\nthought in a less developed country?<\/p>\n
A: First, it has to be patriotic. For example, to take a stand
\nagainst multinational corporations. With the emergence of
\nglobalization, we are concerned for the fate of the working
\nclass.<\/p>\n
Second, a social democrat in the developing world is faced
\nwith a culture that is not fully industrialized. So there is
\nstill village conservatism, where the flavor of rural life still
\ndominates. Because of that, we focus on resisting the return of
\nthe feudalism that is still reflected through polarization and
\ncommunalistic life.<\/p>\n
The consolidation of our political base will focus more on the
\naspirations of farmers, and not only on laborers as in advance
\ncountries.<\/p>\n
At this time when democracy is threatened by an attempt to
\nmaintain the status quo, the two forces can be a strong
\nfortifying force.<\/p>\n
Q: As capitalism reaches a more advance stage -- as in America --
\ndoes not the role of the workforce, represented by labor unions,
\ndiminish?<\/p>\n
A: We have to remember that this is a social movement. As
\ncapitalism advances, problems in terms of labor, such as working
\nhours and lay-offs, always emerge.<\/p>\n
In my view, Indonesia is still a long way from lessening the
\ngap between owner and worker. We are still far from the phase
\nwhere workers can become part owners through stock options.<\/p>\n
Why? Because in Indonesia workers are mostly unskilled, have a
\nlow education and are characterized by collectivism but not
\nindividualism. With this culture, we are still far from what you
\nwould call the aristocracy of labor.<\/p>\n
Q: You said that militancy and consistency are closely related.
\nWhy is that?<\/p>\n
A: Consistency is how we hold on to our principles without losing
\nflexibility on how to act, while militancy shows that we are
\nreally consistent with what we are doing. There are things that
\nwe can, and cannot, negotiate.<\/p>\n
For example, our stance against the military's dual function.
\nThe minimum requirement for good democracy is the supremacy of
\ncivilians. If we fail to achieve this, we fail to attain other
\ndemocratic principles. This can not be compromised.<\/p>\n
On the other hand, with our militancy, we have been able to
\nsurvive oppression by going underground. Not many political
\nparties in Indonesia have experienced this.<\/p>\n
Q: What are you currently reading?<\/p>\n
A: For Whom the Bell Tolls by Earnest Hemingway. Goenawan
\nMuhammad gave it to me during my trial, but I have not been able
\nto read it until now.<\/p>\n
Q: I learned that one of your early idols was Che Guavara. What
\ndid you learn from him?<\/p>\n
A: Well, he was my idol when I was in high school. I had his
\nposter and books all over my room. What I learned from him was
\nhis consistency. He was faithful to his struggle, yet not afraid
\nto use force.<\/p>\n
Then there was also a human side to him. He was loving and
\ncaring toward children.<\/p>\n
Maybe also because he died young before he had the chance to
\nwither away.<\/p>\n
Q: You are not planning to be like, are you?<\/p>\n
A: Nope. Yet, through this struggle I've learned many things that
\ncannot be explained rationally.<\/p>\n
For example about love. I didn't have a girlfriend before I
\nwent to jail, and now that I do have one I've learned it is hard
\nto be apart for so long. It's the same with my longing for my
\nfamily.<\/p>\n
I cannot explain these things rationally. (In the meantime,
\nBudiman's girlfriend Catherine patiently waited for him to finish
\nthe interview)<\/p>\n
Q: How would you best describe yourself, or how would you like to
\nbe remembered?<\/p>\n
A: I am a man who thinks through analysis, reflection and
\nevaluation and therefore I have to act. I have to act because
\ntruth and justice happen only if we do something about them.<\/p>",
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