ICMI 'must avoid' Budi Utomo Syndrome<\/p>\n
Minister of Information Hartono's decision to join the
\nAssociation of Indonesian Moslem Intellectuals (ICMI) has been
\nseen as part of a bigger political scenario in the making.
\nPolitical scientist Riswandha Imawan, from the Yogyakarta-based
\nUniversity of Gadjah Mada, addresses the issue.<\/p>\n
Question: How do you place the seven-year-old ICMI in today's
\nnational political scene?<\/p>\n
Answer: Seen from its initial mission of improving human
\nresources, ICMI has been well accepted indeed. It was formed at a
\ntime when Islam enjoyed its golden years in global terms. For
\nexample, U.S. President Bill Clinton recently made an Idul Fitri
\nspeech (a celebration marking the end of the fasting month). No
\nother U.S. president has done so.<\/p>\n
Yet, there are two major problems facing ICMI these days.
\nFirst, as a mass organization, it certainly articulates
\ninterests. But this role will never mean anything if it is not
\nlinked to a political structure. This has forced it to immerse
\nitself in politics, something a mass organization should not do.<\/p>\n
Second, ICMI is comprised of prominent figures. Most of its
\nmembers were already notable public figures before they joined
\nICMI. This raises another question: Who is the boss? Everyone
\nthinks he or she is the boss. It is natural for intellectuals to
\nbe egoistic, it's their manner.<\/p>\n
Q: What's the relevance between the two?<\/p>\n
A: People see ICMI as a powerful political vehicle. It is the
\npolitical weight of ICMI and the internal friction among members
\nthat provokes opportunists to join, in an attempt to gain
\npolitical power.<\/p>\n
The friction, so far, has only occurred at the lower level of
\nleadership. But with Hartono's entrance, it will incite higher
\nlevel political bickering within the organization.<\/p>\n
Q: What kind of friction is emerging there?<\/p>\n
A: It is a friction between those who would like to see a
\nreduction in ICMI's political weight and those who want things to
\nstay the same. This friction has been going on since December
\n1995 when ICMI held its national meeting. It was here that Amien
\nRais, one of the leaders, was appointed the chairman of the
\nexperts council.<\/p>\n
Q: Which one do you think will dominate?<\/p>\n
A: There has been a change lately. In the beginning it was
\ndominated by those who would like to make use of their political
\nsway to achieve ICMI's goal. This is what Amien Rais once
\ndescribed as high politics and low politics.<\/p>\n
The latest development, however, shows a reverse in this
\ntrend. Now they play politics indirectly and use existing
\npolitical organizations.<\/p>\n
The recent removal of several ICMI senior members (from
\nGolkar's nomination list for the People's Consultative Assembly)
\nillustrates their desire to empower the association without
\ngrabbing political positions.<\/p>\n
Q: Is it a good development?<\/p>\n
A: Yes. It is more suitable for an intellectuals' organization
\nlike ICMI. But, ICMI has to be more careful now. Otherwise, it
\nwill be trapped by the \"Budi Utomo Syndrome\".<\/p>\n
Q: What do you mean?<\/p>\n
A: Budi Utomo was the first organization of Indonesian
\nintellectuals. It has become the symbol of a national resurgence.
\nIts members were young, idealistic intellectuals. In the
\nbeginning it was a social religious organization but in the
\ncourse of time it found that its program was ineffective. The
\norganization decided to let government officials, in this case,
\nheads of regencies (bupati), join.<\/p>\n
What happened next was that the regency heads were the ones
\nwho made use of the organization (to advance their own careers)
\nand not vice versa.<\/p>\n
In this case, I agree with what Amir Santoso (another
\npolitical scientist) said. Hartono's entrance into ICMI will push
\nother reluctant generals to follow suit. It does make sense even
\nthough what Hartono did was purely personal. That's why ICMI has
\nto be careful not to repeat Budi Utomo's mistake. I am very
\nconcerned.<\/p>\n
Q: What should it do to avoid the syndrome?<\/p>\n
A: The most effective way is to maintain its position as a power
\nbehind the scenes. It doesn't need public exposure. All it has to
\ndo is know how to control politicians from behind.<\/p>\n
What has happened to ICMI's senior members like Amien Rais,
\nDawam Rahardjo and Parni Hadi (whose standing in ICMI were
\ndowngraded) are examples of what public expose could lead to. In
\na political fight, being over exposed to the public may backfire.
\nIt won't do any good at all.<\/p>\n
That's why it will be better for ICMI to stay behind the
\nscenes. It's much better for it to be an invisible, big
\norganization which has a powerful control over political
\nsituations than the opposite.<\/p>\n
Q: Is it possible considering there are also many bureaucrats in
\nICMI's membership?<\/p>\n
A: In this case, ICMI members -- especially the intellectuals --
\nhave to avoid holding particular positions. They have to focus
\ntheir energy on creating concepts that can influence the
\nbureaucrats. Therefore, ICMI has to make itself an enlightening
\ninstitution for bureaucrats. If ICMI can achieve this ideal it
\nwill be achieving the basic aim on which the organization was
\nfounded. (swa)<\/p>",
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