How free is Indonesian press?<\/p>\n
Ong Hock Chuan, Jakarta<\/p>\n
The 2005 Worldwide Press Freedom Index, published by Reporters
\nwithout Borders late last week, is puzzling.<\/p>\n
Why is the press in Indonesia less free than its counterparts
\nin Timor Leste and Cambodia; and why is Indonesia only two
\nnotches up from Thailand, whose government is going all out to
\ncurb the freedom of the press?<\/p>\n
Details of how Reporters without Borders arrived at such
\nconclusions are sketchy, but, according to news reports,
\nIndonesia seems to have been judged according to several
\ncriteria, namely the extent to which it allows foreign
\njournalists to report in conflict-prone areas, such as Aceh and
\nPapua, the activity of online media, some provisions of the
\nCriminal Code and the tardiness of the police's response and
\nprotection of journalists being intimidated by local politicians.<\/p>\n
To be sure, these developments do contribute to securing press
\nfreedom in a country. But one cannot help questioning whether the
\nweight given to such developments is fair to countries like
\nIndonesia. Based on the reported criteria, what Indonesia seems
\nto face are difficult decisions over areas with insurgent and
\nsecurity problems, a nascent legislature and loose command
\nstructures that sometimes see local chiefs not acting, or acting
\noverzealously over particular incidents.<\/p>\n
Do these criteria provide an accurate snapshot of the state of
\npress freedom in the country? Journalists who have worked in
\ndomestic media in countries where the press is controlled would
\nargue that the main determinant of press freedom in Asia lies
\nwith the government's attitude, and therefore its actions, or
\nnon-actions, toward the press.<\/p>\n
Governments who hold the press in contempt have a variety of
\nmeans to curtail its freedom, the most effective of which is to
\ncreate a culture of self-censorship among the press, especially
\namong the local journalists who are subject to their jurisdiction
\nand often have nowhere else to run away to.<\/p>\n
Intimidation is the key to creating a culture of self-
\ncensorship. Through repressive and all-encompassing laws such as
\nthe Internal Security Act, governments can and have thrown
\ncritical journalists into jail without trial. Laws such as the
\nInternal Security Act, coupled with control of the licenses that
\nenable publications to stay open, make the governments all
\npowerful. Often, all it takes is a phone call to an editor
\nexpressing mild dissatisfaction with a report or a journalist to
\nhave the publication make a 180-degree turn, issue a detraction
\nor desist from pursuing the story.<\/p>\n
The law can also be used to intimidate journalists. Government
\nministers, their cronies or businesses strongly linked to them
\ncan use the vast financial and manpower resources to bear on
\njournalists. The amounts they seek are punitive. Even if they do
\nnot win the case they can be assured of putting the offending
\njournalist and their publication through the wringer, eating up
\nhuge amounts of their time and finances. What is happening in
\nThailand is a case in point.<\/p>\n
Not all control relies on the stick, however. Carrots are part
\nof the arsenal of press control for some governments. Carrots
\ncome in the form of junkets (good journalists get to go on trips
\naccompanying the premiers, maverick ones do not), titles
\n(Malaysia is particularly good at this, awarding some journalists
\nwith not one but two Datuk-ships. A Datuk being a honorary title,
\nsomething akin to Sir in the British system) and appointments (a
\nneighboring country makes sure that only journalists who toe the
\nline are appointed to key executive positions in the nation's
\nmedia organizations).<\/p>\n
When successful, these governments create a culture of self-
\ncensorship in the media, a useful situation as the governments
\nseemingly do very little, leaving the intimidated editors to
\ncensor their own journalists. When this happens press freedom is
\nlost, not because of overtly repressive or violent measures but
\nbecause the spirit of the journalists are broken.<\/p>\n
Fortunately, the Indonesian government has chosen to take a
\ndifferent tack. Over the past year, the government of Susilo
\nBambang Yudhoyono has chosen to give the press free reign.
\nJournalists and commentators are free to criticize almost
\nanybody, including the President himself.<\/p>\n
And when it feels itself wronged the only measure it takes is
\nto write to the press requesting -- and not insisting -- that
\nthey respect the President's right of reply. The press print
\nthis, the issue gets a fair hearing and everyone moves on. Press
\nfreedom is not only tolerated, it is being encouraged.<\/p>\n
Indonesia now has a press so free it can be a model for other
\nSoutheast Asian countries in how a free press does not
\nnecessarily threaten the standing of the government. Part of the
\nreason is that SBY, unlike many of the region's leaders, has no
\nskeletons in his closet in the form of nepotism, corruption or
\ncollusion (KKN) and that it is very evident to all and sundry
\nthat the man has integrity and a real intention to work for the
\ncountry, in spite of the vested interests surrounding him.<\/p>\n
These qualities stand out, even when he is criticized. His
\nstanding remains largely undiminished, as recent polls suggest.
\nAnd the spotlight eventually turns to those around him who have
\nperformed below par.<\/p>\n
SBYs treatment of the press, where freedom is not only
\ntolerated but encouraged, should surely catapult Indonesia much
\nfurther up the rankings of the World Press Freedom Index. Yet it
\nstands at number 105, 47 notches below Timor Leste, 14 below
\nCambodia and a mere two notches up from Thailand. Whatever did
\nthe other countries do to deserve their ranking?<\/p>\n
The writer worked for 14 years as a journalist in Malaysia,
\nHong Kong and Taiwan before joining the public relation business.
\nHe was formerly a Wolfson Press Fellow at Cambridge University.<\/p>",
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