Hasyim devotes life to peace<\/p>\n
Tiarma Siboro, The Jakarta Post, Jakarta<\/p>\n
Many predicted a meeting between President Megawati
\nSoekarnoputri and her predecessor Abdurrahman Wahid recently was
\nunlikely, but Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) chairman Hasyim Muzadi used
\nhis sense of humor to save the occasion.<\/p>\n
When a presidential staff asked him whether Gus Dur, as
\nAbdurrahman is widely known, would be present at the NU congress
\nMegawati was due to open, Hasyim replied: \"There are only some NU
\nsenior clerics, of course Gus Dur is among them\".<\/p>\n
The next day, the picture of Megawati shaking hands with Gus
\nDur was printed on the front page of most dailies in the country.<\/p>\n
It was the first public appearance of them together since the
\ntwo former allies parted after the People's Consultative Assembly
\n(MPR) dismissed Gus Dur and replaced him with Megawati in July
\nlast year.<\/p>\n
Nobody knows whether the relationship between Gus Dur and
\nMegawati will be revived, but one thing is sure: Hasyim has
\nstamped his status as a noted peace broker.<\/p>\n
Gus Dur may not yet be reconciled with MPR Speaker Amien Rais,
\nbut Hasyim has established a peaceful coexistence between NU and
\nMuhammadiyah, the latter being the country's second largest
\nMuslim organization after NU, which Amien used to chair. The two
\norganizations were known for their bitter rivalry in the past.<\/p>\n
Hasyim, incumbent Muhammadiyah chairman Syafii Ma'arif and
\nother religious leaders like Julius Kardinal
\nDarmaatmadja of the Indonesian Conference of Bishops and Wismoady
\nWahono of the Indonesian Communion of Churches and Muslim scholar
\nNurcholish Madjid,, have also declared a national movement aimed
\nat bolstering peace in Indonesia's pluralistic society.<\/p>\n
This move came amid the radicalization of certain Muslim
\ngroups in response to the United States-led global war on
\nterrorism, which many feared would discredit Islam. At about the
\nsame time, Indonesia has seen renewed sectarian conflicts, which
\nhave in the past left thousands dead and hundreds of thousands
\ndisplaced.<\/p>\n
Hasyim is strict when it comes to people who use religion to
\njustify violence.<\/p>\n
He said he found it hard to believe that religious worshipers
\nwould kill each other in the name of God.<\/p>\n
\"As a religion, Islam should not exist exclusively in this
\npluralistic community. Looking at the current conflict in Maluku
\nand Poso (Central Sulawesi), has it not been caused by the
\nimplementation of religious teachings while neglecting
\nhumanitarian values?\" Hasyim said recently.<\/p>\n
\"This country has suffered too much from brutal behavior. I
\nsee the pain has worsened due to the maneuvering of certain
\ngroups who have pursued their own political interests.\"<\/p>\n
Hasyim has criticized radical Muslim groups saying: \"even
\nthose who call themselves religious leaders sometimes drive
\npeople to sow hatred for just a few cents\".<\/p>\n
His firm stance drew the attention of the U.S. government,
\nwhich later invited him to Washington to brief policy makers in
\nthe country about the true face of Islam in Indonesia.<\/p>\n
\"At the time, the U.S. planned to launch military attacks on
\nseveral Islamic countries, including Indonesia, on charges that
\nit was harboring terrorists. I told them the radicals here were
\nnot representative of Islam. There's nothing wrong with Islam,\"
\nHasyim said.<\/p>\n
Due to his pivotal role, U.S. State Secretary Colin Powell
\nspared time during his recent visit to Jakarta to hold talks with
\nHasyim and other moderate Muslim leaders.<\/p>\n
Born in the coastal town of Tuban, East Java, on Aug. 8, 1944,
\nHasyim's parents Muzadi and Rumyati were a devout couple. He grew
\nup with seven brothers and sisters.<\/p>\n
After graduating from Gontor modern Islamic boarding school in
\nPonorogo in 1963, Hasyim continued his studies at Malang Islamic
\nTeaching School in East Java, where he met Muthommimah whom he
\nmarried in 1972.<\/p>\n
Now, the father of six, runs Al Hikam Islamic boarding school
\nin Malang.<\/p>\n
Hasyim replaced Gus Dur as the skipper of the 40 million-
\nstrong NU in 1999, months after the latter had been elected the
\nnation's president.<\/p>\n
Many doubted at the time whether Hasyim could maintain the
\norganization's independence because of his close relationship to
\npresident Abdurrahman.<\/p>\n
Hasyim's commitment to keep NU away from politics was
\nimmediately tested when Gus Dur was involved in bickering with
\nhis opponents, who wanted him ousted.<\/p>\n
The heated political rivalry in Jakarta triggered riots in
\nseveral towns in East Java, known as NU's stronghold. People in
\nthe towns attacked facilities belonging to Muhammadiyah and even
\ncalled for a holy war against those who tried to unseat Gus Dur.<\/p>\n
It was later resolved peacefully, thanks in part to Hasyim's
\nmove to calm the angry public, although he admitted \"the forced
\nsuccession reveals the power of tyranny\".<\/p>\n
Hasyim, however, has never questioned the legitimacy of the
\npost-Gus Dur government, unlike the former president and his
\nfollowers.<\/p>\n
Staying outside politics has enabled Hasyim, as well as NU, to
\ncriticize the government and the political elite, without
\nharboring vested interests. It is this feature that has attracted
\npublic recognition of his influential role.<\/p>\n
He plays down his work, however.<\/p>\n
\"I have called on the political elite on many occasions to
\nalways be careful with their words and behavior because they may
\nadversely affect the public. Thank God it has worked, though some
\nof them have turned a deaf ear to my appeals.<\/p>\n
\"It's perhaps easy to settle differences of opinion, but not
\nthe conflict of wealth,\" he once said.<\/p>",
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