Harmoko tour reveals region's political color<\/p>\n
By Ainur R. Sophiaan<\/p>\n
JAKARTA (JP): Minister of Information Harmoko has made it
\nclear time and again that his annual Ramadhan safari is meant to
\ndisseminate information about national development and gauge the
\ngrassroots' response to it.<\/p>\n
However, there's no denying that a large number of people in
\nmany of the remote places he visited turned the meetings with the
\nminister, who is also the chairman of Golkar, into gatherings to
\nconsolidate support for the dominant political grouping.<\/p>\n
This is why one can usually gauge how Golkar is faring in any
\nparticular area during the visits which Harmoko started in 1983.
\nHarmoko's trip to cities and regencies through the northern coast
\nof Java in January was of particular significance, given the
\nproximity to the May 29 general election.<\/p>\n
One of the most evident conclusions from the trip is that the
\ngeneral election contestants -- the Moslem-based United
\nDevelopment Party (PPP), Golkar and the Christian-nationalist
\nIndonesian Democratic Party (PDI) -- are going to have a tough
\nbattle in Java's northern coastal region.<\/p>\n
The population in this region has, in the sociological and
\ndemographic sense, always been highly mobile. Political
\nallegiances change easily, thus increasing the challenge facing
\nthe contestants.<\/p>\n
Sukartono, chairman of the Golkar branch in Karawang regency,
\nWest Java, told The Jakarta Post the regency had been a Golkar
\nstronghold since the 1971 election. Over the last three
\nelections, Golkar's support has increased steadily: in 1982,
\n80.39 percent of the regency's population voted for Golkar, in
\n1987 the figure rose to 85.33 percent and in 1992 it reached
\n89.69 percent.<\/p>\n
In Muara Baru village, mostly inhabited by poor fishermen,
\nGolkar's vote was almost 100 percent in 1992, as it was in the
\nvillages of Rawagempol and Tempuran.<\/p>\n
Sukartono is optimistic his region will reach the targeted
\n90.2 percent in the forthcoming election, primarily through the
\nefforts of more than 100,00 male and 250,000 female Golkar
\nvillage cadres.<\/p>\n
To realize the ambition will certainly require hard work but
\nthe campaigning has already started in earnest, albeit
\nindirectly. Take for instance, the compulsory coloring of shops
\nand other buildings in Golkar yellow. Now, even houses of worship
\nhave gone yellow.<\/p>\n
The Al-Muttaqin Mosque in Rawagempol, Cilamaya district, is
\nyellow except for its walls and roof tiles.<\/p>\n
\"Karawang has become a model area for Golkar,\" Sukartono said.<\/p>\n
Other parts of West Java's northern coast, such as Bekasi,
\nCirebon and Cikampek are not matching the success in Karawang. In
\nCirebon regency, for instance, Golkar faces pressure from PDI. In
\nthe last election Golkar secured 64.10 percent of the vote, PDI
\n21.58 percent and PPP 14.32 percent.<\/p>\n
Central Java will be even harder work for Golkar activists. In
\nthe 1992 election its vote dipped to 55,34 percent from 68.14
\npercent in 1987 election. In 1977 it got 52.56 percent and
\nincreased its share to 60.54 percent in 1982.<\/p>\n
Alip Pandoyo, the Central Java Golkar chairman, blamed the
\n1992 failure on party functionaries.<\/p>\n
\"We have evaluated the weak spots. Especially in the northern
\ncoastal regions, which have been neglected thus far,\" he said.<\/p>\n
In the 1992 election, Golkar recorded 52.61 percent of the
\nvote in Brebes regency, 51.88 percent in Pemalang regency, 51.98
\npercent in Semarang, 53.50 percent in Kudus regency, 54.33
\npercent in Pati regency and 57.66 percent in Rembang regency.<\/p>\n
There were many towns which recorded less than that. The
\norganization's vote in Tegal amounted to 48.68 percent, in
\nPekalongan regency the figure was 49.38 percent, and in Jepara
\n47.06 percent. In Pekalongan Golkar was shunted into second place
\nwith 36.06 percent, behind PPP which came top with 42.76 percent.<\/p>\n
Alif said that in this year's election Golkar's provincial
\ntarget was 80 percent. The reason for this ambitious project, he
\nsaid, was because \"Golkar aims to revive its former glory in
\nCentral Java.\"<\/p>\n
This helps explain why Golkar's drive in Central Java has been
\nall-encompassing. Not many objects have been spared from the
\nyellow paint; from the bus terminal roof, to the prayer mats in
\nthe mosques, to the folding chairs for ceremonies, to district
\nadministration and village chief offices, everywhere is a sea of
\nyellow.<\/p>\n
Homes and small shops are adorned with Golkar calendars.<\/p>\n
During his visit to 12 regencies in the province, Harmoko was
\nwelcomed by thousands of primary school pupils and teachers, all
\nsporting yellow accessories.<\/p>\n
Green province<\/p>\n
In East Java, the last province Harmoko visited, however, the
\nyellow sea was less evident.<\/p>\n
In this province, Golkar's vote plunged 11 percent from 67
\npercent in 1987 to 56.76 percent in 1992. The decline was largely
\ndue to northern regions like Lamongan, Gresik, Surabaya and
\nMadura backing PPP.<\/p>\n
This was particularly evident in Gresik where Harmoko and his
\nentourage were welcomed with green PPP banners fluttering along
\nall the town's roads. Almost no yellow flags could be seen,
\ndespite the fact that Golkar's vote in the past election was
\nsatisfactory, standing at 53.67 percent while PPP polled 34.75
\npercent.<\/p>\n
At the Islamic Nazhatut Thulab boarding school in Camplong,
\nSampang regency, there was not even a religious leader of
\nimportance present to greet Harmoko.<\/p>\n
In this region, Golkar has not logged an impressive victory
\nexcept in the 1992 election when its vote rose to 59.95 percent
\nfrom 43.63 percent. In Pasuruan regency, Golkar's vote dropped by
\nmore than 20 percent.<\/p>\n
Golkar's election target in this province is comparatively
\nmodest. The chairman of the provincial Golkar branch, Hudan
\nDardiri, hopes to retrieve the lost votes and reinstate the party
\nto its 1987 position.<\/p>\n
\"We'll be lucky if we get more than that though,\" he told the
\nPost. His caution stems from the stiff political rivalry, even
\namong top officials, who do not all hold the same views.<\/p>\n
Harmoko also made an extensive tour to various Moslem boarding
\nschools.<\/p>\n
In Central Java, Golkar even built a boarding school, Al
\nUswah, on a hilly slope in the village of Pakintelan, in the
\nGunungpati district, Semarang regency. Here, Moslem leaders in
\ngolden jackets greeted him while yellow flags fluttered from
\nevery corner of the boarding school.<\/p>\n
In East Java, leaders of the Moslem schools were not as
\nexpressive. At the Darus Salam boarding school in Torjun,
\nSampang, Madura, its leader, Ahmad Dhofier Syah, admitted that
\nGolkar funds were providing lots of support for the Islamic
\nschools.<\/p>\n
\"The problem now is, is the integrity of the religious
\nboarding school leaders at stake? These boarding schools should
\nnot become a commodity or victims of fleeting political fights,\"
\nhe said.<\/p>",
"url": "https:\/\/jawawa.id\/newsitem\/harmoko-tour-reveals-regions-political-color-1447893297",
"image": ""
},
"sponsor": "Okusi Associates",
"sponsor_url": "https:\/\/okusiassociates.com"
}